Natasha Rostova - composition. What rodent recently acclimatized in Russia has already taken one of the most important places in the country's fur trade? Which is one of the most important places

One of the most important places in the history of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the centenary of which we are celebrating this year, is occupied by the outstanding work of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, best known as the April Theses.

Its full title is On the Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution. Ten Lenin's theses, which form the basis of this work, fully reflect the moral, political and socio-economic principles on which the Bolshevik Party relied in its opposition to the chaos that engulfed the country after the February Revolution. The Party was also guided by these theses in its struggle to build a new society, to build a socialist state.

It will soon be 100 years since this landmark work of the leader of the world proletariat saw the light of day. Lenin wrote it on April 3 (April 16, according to the new style), 1917, and took as the basis for two of his program speeches at meetings held the next day in Petrograd - at a meeting of the Bolsheviks in the Kshesinskaya mansion and at a meeting of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks - participants in the All-Russian Conference of Workers' Soviets and soldiers' deputies in the Tauride Palace. On April 7, Lenin's theses were published in the Pravda newspaper and reprinted in other Bolshevik publications.

Time for the great turn

This work of Lenin is small in volume, it fits on five pages of printed text. But its historical significance is enormous. It is the most important document reflecting a fateful turning point in the history of the Russian revolutionary movement. A turning point, thanks to which the liberal-bourgeois transformations that followed the abdication of the last Russian monarch were replaced by socialist transformations within a few months. And at the same time, the "April Theses" prove the strength of Lenin's genius, the amazing political insight of the founder of the Soviet state.

In Russia, which had just experienced the fall of a thousand-year-old monarchy, Vladimir Ilyich returned from forced emigration just a few hours before the April Theses were written. But in this work, he gave such a deep and accurate assessment of the situation in the country and the prospects for the development of the revolutionary movement, which was not capable of any political figure from those who observed the events of February from the inside and directly participated in them.

It is here, in the April Theses, that Lenin is the first to unconditionally declare the February historical turn in the history of Russia as an intermediate one, which will inevitably be followed by a new and most important stage: the transfer of power into the hands of the people and the socialist transformation of the country. The fact that February is only a prerequisite for such a transformation, Lenin declares, relying on Marxist dialectics, on the Marxist understanding of the laws of history. And therefore, already a month after the February Revolution, he says with all confidence: “The peculiarity of the current situation in Russia consists in the transition from the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie due to the insufficient consciousness and organization of the proletariat, to its second stage, which should give power to the hands of the proletariat and the poorest strata of the peasantry.

And then, already in the notes to his theses, Lenin asserts with final clarity about the Bolshevik political doctrine as a communist doctrine. Declares the need to dissociate the Bolsheviks from those half-hearted attitudes that turned out to be dominant in the social democratic movement. Which entails the need to change the very name of the party: “Instead of “social democracy, whose official leaders throughout the world have betrayed socialism, ... we must call ourselves the Communist Party,” writes Lenin.

These Leninist words fully resonate with today, when most of the parties and political movements - primarily Western ones - that consider themselves to be “left”, have almost completely abandoned Marxist attitudes and are increasingly drifting towards liberal ideology. The "left liberals" of Europe and America, in fact, are in solidarity with the basic principles of global capitalism, only adding to them a limited set of social requirements, the implementation of which cannot solve the problems inherent in the capitalist system as such. Moreover, the social and anti-globalization accents in the programs of Western "left liberals" are increasingly becoming even weaker than in the programs of their opponents from the "right" camp. This, in our opinion, is the main reason for the increasingly obvious crisis of confidence in left-liberal parties and political leaders in today's world and the rapid strengthening of the positions of right-wing conservative politicians, which we are now seeing in America and Europe.

The modern “leftist” elite of the West is increasingly clearly degenerating into a purely liberal elite, committing the same betrayal of socialism that Lenin spoke about when assessing the situation in the social democratic movement of the early 20th century. And thus, just like 100 years ago, this elite is bringing its collapse closer. The crisis of these so-called leftists in the West is not at all connected with the fact that the truly left-wing mood in the world is weakening, that the desire of people for social justice is not strong enough. On the contrary, this crisis is connected with the unwillingness and inability of the “left liberals” to meet the growing demands, which are acquiring an increasingly pronounced socialist character.

Understanding this and being convinced of the obviousness with which the laws of the development of political processes, outlined by Lenin 100 years ago, are confirmed in our time, we, modern communists, must be firmly aware of the correctness of our position, our choice. Realize that history itself confirms the correctness of those who firmly uphold the Marxist-Leninist principles and continue to persistently fight for their implementation, seeing this as the only alternative to today's crisis. Lenin's theses remind us of what we must rely on in this struggle, none of which has lost its relevance and value even today.

No government support

The "April Theses" answer the fundamental questions that confronted the communists at the beginning of the last century, and today confront us, the heirs of the Leninist party. This is a question about the attitude of communists to the power established in the country and to the system that this power is building. This is a question of property and what kind of state, what kind of system the communists will build when they take power into their own hands. When Lenin announced his theses, many simply frightened his directness and adherence to principles. But time proved Lenin's correctness. And this should inspire us today, when the political and socio-economic situation in the country is becoming more and more similar to the situation of a hundred years ago.

Giving an assessment of those liberal-bourgeois forces that came to power as a result of the February Revolution as forces that serve the interests of world capital and are far from the interests of the people, Lenin categorically excludes any support for these forces by the communists, any alliance with them. He unconditionally insists on “a complete break in practice with all the interests of capital” and calls: “No support for the provisional government, an explanation of the complete falsity of all its promises ...” Hence follows the tactics of political struggle, which Lenin formulates in his theses: “So far we are in the minority , we are doing the work of criticizing and clarifying mistakes, while at the same time preaching the need to transfer all state power to the Soviets of Workers' Deputies ... "

These Leninist principles and requirements are fully consistent with the position of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in relation to the policy pursued by the current Russian government of market liberals - the ideological twins of the Provisional Government of 1917, who surpassed their predecessors both in cynicism towards the people and in managerial helplessness. We are the only political force that consistently opposes all anti-people initiatives of the Cabinet of Ministers. The only political force that never votes for the budget of degradation and collapse, annually imposed on the country by the government. The only political force that insists on the replacement of the current irresponsible cabinet by the Government of People's Trust, offers a clear program of action and is able to ensure its implementation.

The very name "Provisional Government", associated with the specific political circumstances that arose after the February Revolution, also has a symbolic meaning. By its actions, this government has fully proved that it is a government of temporary workers, alien to the true interests of the country and the people. The power of such temporary workers cannot but give rise to a fundamental conflict with society, which for them ends in inevitable collapse. But the temporary workers, who were brought to power by February, did not last even a year. Their reign collapsed as swiftly as the monarchy they had replaced. And the current temporary workers - the ideological followers of those of that time - have been holding power in their hands for more than a quarter of a century. Only certain personalities change. But the government that determines the socio-economic fate of modern Russia remains essentially the same. Because the essence of the government's policy, its adherence to recipes that are destructive for Russia, "prescribed" by foreign "curators" hostile to our country, has not changed since the early 1990s.

What keeps them in power for so long? Due to what the current "Provisional Government" of the destroying liberals has been held for more than 25 years? Lenin's "April Theses" help us answer this question by comparing the current situation with the situation a century ago.

Temporary technologies

Speaking about the favorable political prospects of the Bolsheviks, Lenin in his work emphasizes that after the February Revolution they can act as legally as possible. This is facilitated by the political situation that has developed after the overthrow of the monarchy: "Russia is now the freest country in the world of all the warring countries." This was the historical paradox favorable for the Leninist party: the growing chaos and anarchy after February, from which only the communists could save the country, was accompanied by a weakening of political pressure on them, which made it easier to fight for power. And what accelerated the transition of power into the hands of the Bolsheviks, which was saving for Russia. This is also the fundamental difference between the situation of that time and the situation of today, when helplessness and chaos in managing the economy and the social sphere are combined with maximum mobilization and rigidity of the authorities in the matter of political self-preservation.

Having come to power as a result of the collapse of the USSR, liberal extremists began to rapidly destroy and plunder the country and very quickly lost the support of even that part of society that unconditionally supported them during the years of perestroika that preceded the anti-Soviet coup of the early 1990s. The Yeltsin-Gaidar team enjoyed mass support a little longer than the Provisional Government of 1917. But to maintain her power, she used frankly fascist methods, which made themselves felt both during the execution of the Supreme Council in October 1993, and during that shameless bacchanalia into which the authorities turned the presidential elections of 1996. So the new "Provisional Government" was able to accomplish what its predecessors had failed to do in 1917.

And with the beginning of the 21st century, it made a bet on what was in principle inaccessible to the temporary workers of the early 20th century:

On modern technologies of mass propaganda brainwashing;

Strengthened planting of values ​​that contribute to the intellectual and moral degradation of society;

Cynical and criminal manipulations in elections.

It is on these three “pillars” that the illusion of “stability” and “reconciliation” of the impoverished people with the oligarchy that has seized Russian resources and its henchmen in power has been based for the past decade and a half. "Reconciliation", to which the authorities are hypocritically calling for a country where the incomes of the absolute majority of citizens have been rapidly and non-stop declining for more than two years in a row. Where 72 people out of 100 live on 15 thousand rubles or less per month. Where industry and the social sphere continue to degrade, and the fabulous wealth of large owners - dollar millionaires and billionaires - is only growing. Where nine-tenths of the national wealth is concentrated in the hands of one percent of the moneybags.

In such an ugly situation, which is typical only for the most backward economies of the world, the normal development of the country is impossible in principle. And the current masters of the country are calling on us to “reconcile” with this, ready to shamelessly exploit even the sacred feelings for the people associated with the reunification of Russia and Crimea, with our support for the struggle of Donbass and Luhansk against the Bandera clique in Ukraine. To exploit to justify the destructive policies pursued within Russia and to preserve a system that threatens the country with a social and economic catastrophe.

Paying tribute to the genius of Lenin, who stood at the head of the greatest transformations in world history, we must simultaneously recognize that the conditions of the struggle in which we have to act are even more difficult, more difficult to resolve the issue of power and property than those that fell to the lot of the Bolsheviks. in 1917. It is all the more important for us to remember Lenin's call, sounded in the April Theses, "to adapt to the special conditions of Party work among the unheard-of large masses of the proletariat, who have just awakened to political life."

rescue program

The problems aggravated during the crisis inevitably lead to the growth of the protest potential, to the political awakening of the society. Our task is to contribute to this awakening every day. At the same time, not allowing the protest potential to escalate into anarchy and chaos, which is what our opponents from the camp of the “liberal opposition” dream of and persistently provoke. In a situation where, through the fault of the authorities, a socio-economic crisis entails a political crisis, only the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and its consistent allies can direct the growing discontent in society into the direction of a meaningful struggle of the people for their legitimate rights. For the revival of the welfare state, for the implementation of the socialist program declared by Lenin in the April Theses:

- "Nationalization of all lands in the country"

- "Immediate merger of all banks in the country into one nationwide bank ..."

- "Pay to all officials, with the election and turnover of all of them at any time, is not higher than the average wage of a good worker"

The implementation of these proposals is directly reflected in the program of the Communist Party.

We are the only party that stubbornly resisted the introduction of private ownership of land by market liberals. Time has proven us right: the transfer of land into the hands of large owners leads to the degradation of the agricultural sector and the economy as a whole. As the international situation worsens, ensuring the country's independence in the food sector is becoming an increasingly acute issue of Russia's security.

We also demand the nationalization of the raw material industries, as well as the most important industrial enterprises, without which it is impossible to ensure the inflow into the treasury of the funds necessary to ensure the full development of the country, its technological renewal, and modernization of the economy.

Without Lenin's nationalization, the feat of Stalin's industrialization would have been impossible, which made it possible in the shortest possible time to overcome the centuries-old backwardness of Russia and build a powerful industrial and social infrastructure. To ensure such a defense that allowed the USSR to resist the most powerful, predatory and ruthless enemy. In the same way, without the nationalization, which the Communist Party insists on, it is impossible to stop the further degradation of the economy and the social sphere, which threatens the very existence of Russia as a single and independent state.

We insist on the release of Russia's financial system from external control, which today is directly served by the country's banks, which profess the cult of liberal monetarism and directly contribute to the strangulation of domestic producers with the help of extortionate lending rates. Like Lenin in 1917, we today proclaim the need for a centralized banking system. Creation of the State Bank, which will be such not only in name, but also in deeds, without which the Russian economy will never wait for the vital investments it needs.

We are convinced that those who come there not out of a desire to get rich, but out of a desire to benefit the country and people, should go to power. Therefore, it is necessary to deprive those coming to power of selfish incentives that unconditionally prevail in the sphere of power today. This is exactly what Lenin meant when he spoke of the need for legislative restrictions on the incomes of officials. And this is what the Communist Party insists on today.

In the April Theses, Lenin says that one of the main problems slowing down the transition from the liberal-bourgeois stage of the revolution to the socialist stage is the trusting and unconscious attitude of the masses "toward the government of the capitalists, the worst enemies of peace and socialism." The same problem is facing us, today's communists, who are opposed to the new "Provisional Government", which has been too late in power. And this problem can only be solved by persistently appealing to the people and using for this every opportunity and the most diverse forms of enlightenment, explanation and agitation.

The fact that the problems are growing and becoming more unbearable is every day more obvious to the citizens of the country. But we are obliged to direct all our efforts to ensure that society realizes that the root of the problems, the source of the crisis situation is in the very system of capitalist relations. The fact that the current Russian government is committed to this system in its wildest, most barbaric and destructive forms. And today, the ultimate goal to which it is necessary to strive in order for the country to begin to revive is the same as Lenin’s “April Theses” speak of. What is needed is not just a change of power, but a replacement of the system of oligarchic capitalism with a socialist system. Humane and highly spiritual system.

Socialism or turmoil

Just like 100 years ago, today the opponents of socialism are trying to accuse Lenin and his comrades-in-arms of pushing the country towards civil war by putting forward the program stated in the April Theses. This is a shameless lie. Even then, in April 1917, Lenin convincingly refuted it in the notes to his theses.

All conscientious historians admit that after the Bolsheviks came to power, the bloody confrontation was provoked not by them, but by those who tried to oppose the building of socialism in our country. And about the prospects of a civil war, they shouted the loudest in advance precisely because they were ready to unleash it. They were ready to kindle the fire of a fratricidal war - if only to preserve the power of capital, in which the gigantic incomes of a handful of "elected" are provided with deprivation and poverty of the absolute majority. Objectively speaking, the war they organized was not a civil one. It was a war against Russia, unleashed by an international coalition of its external and internal enemies, united by the interests of capital and hatred of socialism, hatred of the awakened people.

But if the Bolsheviks in 1917 did not follow the path outlined in Lenin's "April Theses", if they faltered and agreed to a compromise with the liberal-bourgeois authorities, Russia, which was plunging into chaos, would have expected complete disintegration and even greater losses. . Lenin was clearly aware of this at that time, and we must realize it today.

Only the continuation of the current destructive course can push the country towards a bloody anarchic turmoil. And only the implementation of our demands and our ideas, inheriting the precepts of Lenin, will keep Russia from collapse and return it to the path of successful development. We have on our side the rightness of the great predecessors, confirmed by history, and their outstanding experience. Our duty is to follow this experience and use it worthily for the benefit of the Motherland, whose peaceful existence and prosperity can only be guaranteed by renewed socialism.

Nature traditionally occupies one of the most important places in the work of any poet. Each of them creates his own unique world, his own image of nature, which corresponds to his experiences, feelings, thoughts. To trace how the image of nature changes in the work of a particular poet means to see how he himself changed, what happened to him during his life, what new ideas he had, and what remained unchanged to the end.

This is especially true of Pushkin's poetry - after all, his lyrics have such a strong biographical beginning that

All stages of the poet's work directly reflect the cardinal changes in his life. And Pushkin's image of nature also changes simultaneously with the change in his inner world.

In his early work - in the lyceum and St. Petersburg periods - Pushkin followed in the description of landscapes various traditions, coming from classicism, sentimentalism and romanticism. Then he had not yet determined his own position in relation to nature. The poet did not strive for this at that time, because all the main disappointments that pushed him to search for his place in the world, his support, were still ahead. For example, the traditions of classicism clearly

Can be traced in the poem "Memories in Tsarskoe Selo" of 1814. The author inhabits the natural world with divine ancient forces:

There, in a quiet lake, naiads are splashing

His lazy wave;

And there in silence are huge halls,

Leaning on the vaults, they rush to the clouds.

Is it not here that the earthly gods led peaceful days?

Isn't Minevra a Russian temple?

Pushkin follows sentimental traditions in the depiction of nature, for example, in the poem "The Village" of 1819. The landscape in it is rather arbitrary and forms a single image of a “desert corner”, “a haven of tranquility, work and inspiration”:

… love this dark garden

With its coolness and flowers,

This meadow, lined with fragrant stacks,

Where bright streams rustle in the bushes.

In this poem, the natural and perfect world of nature is opposed to the world of people who are not free from their vices and delusions:

I am here, freed from vain shackles,

I am learning to find bliss in truth,

To idolize the law with a free soul, .. -

so says the lyrical hero, who finds himself only in the bosom of nature.

In 1820, Pushkin left for the Southern exile, where, far from the familiar world and close friends, he experienced a serious life crisis. At the same time, the poet discovers the work of Byron, which strikes him not only with the beauty of artistic images, but also with the extent to which romantic poetry is consonant with the experiences of Pushkin himself. A new stage begins in the poet's work - a romantic period, and the exotic nature of the Caucasus appears in all its glory in his lyrics. Images of turbulent streams, an indomitable ocean, sharp mountain ranges and a free wind reflected Pushkin's inner state, nature is the only thing with which he feels in harmony. For example, in the poem “The Prisoner”, the lyrical hero, being in prison, rushes out, to the free element:

There, where the mountain turns white behind the cloud,

There, where the sea edges turn blue,

There, where we walk only the wind ... yes, I! ..

And in the poem “The star of the day went out…”, the lyrical hero asks the gloomy ocean, on which the ship glides, to take it to new limits, entrusting itself to its whims.

The same motif of the indomitability of the free element is also present in the poem "To the Sea", which Pushkin began to write, already leaving the south. The poet regrets that he could not merge with the mighty nature, and saying goodbye, he swears allegiance to the sea:

Farewell, sea! I won't forget

Your solemn beauty

And for a long, long time I will hear

Your buzz in the evening hours.

After arriving in Mikhailovskoye in 1824, Pushkin immersed himself in village life: his day is filled with simple joys, communication with neighbors and admiring Russian nature. Here the poet is imbued with admiration for her simple beauty, which consists not in exotic, extraordinary landscapes, but in cute, familiar, almost everyday pictures of everyday village life. This is how he depicts Russian nature in the poem "October 19", 1825:

The forest drops its crimson dress,

The withered field is silvered by frost,

The day will pass, as if involuntarily,

And hide behind the edge of the surrounding mountains.

Pushkin finds beauty in the seemingly unpleasant fact of the withering of nature, he loves it the way it is.

At the same time, the poet seeks to remove the romantic halo from many events in nature. So, in the poem "Winter Evening" of 1825, his lyrical hero, despite the violence of the elements outside the window, continues to live his life, the storm does not seem to be an ominous or threatening danger:

A storm covers the sky with mist,

Whirlwinds of snow twisting;

Like a beast, she will howl

It will cry like a child

That on a dilapidated roof

Suddenly the straw will rustle,

Like a belated traveler

There will be a knock on our window.

Pushkin admires nature, observes it and looks for charm in every detail, even if it is unsightly, conveying the landscape as it is, without embellishment. Without a doubt, such a change in attitude towards nature also speaks of changes in the poet’s inner world: he found peace, found his place for that period, and nature became his support, her beauty inspires him and gives him the strength to live.

In subsequent years, from the second half of the 1920s until the end of the poet's life, Pushkin's landscape did not lose its realism, but acquired another role. During this period, the poet often correlates the world of nature with the world of people, and the landscape becomes a means of expressing the author's philosophy. So, in the poem “Do I wander along the noisy streets ...” of 1829, Pushkin’s lyrical hero compares the human age and the “natural” age:

I look at the solitary oak,

I think: the patriarch of the forests

Will survive my forgotten age,

How he survived the age of his fathers.

That's what he says, but it doesn't bother him. After all, this is the law of life: one leaves, another comes in his place (“I have time to smolder, you bloom”), and at the “coffin entrance”, as before, “young life will play / And indifferent nature / Shine with eternal beauty.

Of particular note is the poem "Autumn" of 1833, in which Pushkin speaks of his favorite season. "The sad time" he likes the state of beauty ready to fade away, like a consumptive maiden:

... condemned to death,

The poor thing bows without grumbling, without anger,

The smile on the lips of the faded is visible;

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The days of late autumn are usually scolded,

But she is dear to me, dear reader ...

The “farewell beauty” of nature turns out to be the heyday for the poet:

And every autumn I bloom again;

The Russian cold is good for my health;

I again feel love for the habits of being:

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Desires boil - I'm happy again, young,

I am full of life again...

But the main thing is the relationship of the autumn season with creative inspiration, which Pushkin speaks of at the end of the poem:

And I forget the world - and in sweet silence

I am sweetly lulled by my imagination,

And poetry awakens in me ...

Pushkin's perception of nature changed along with his spiritual world. For him, the search for his place, his faith, support is closely intertwined with artistic searches, and the harmonious, philosophical view of the world, to which Pushkin came to the end of his life, gave the reader the discovery of the beauty and sincerity of Russian nature, and the realistic landscape became a new stage in the development of Russian poetry. And it was Pushkin's traditions in the depiction of nature that many future poets and writers followed.

AT occupies one of the most important places in the life of society economic area, that is, everything that is connected with the production, distribution, exchange and consumption of goods created by human labor.

Under economy It is customary to understand the system of social production, the process of creating material goods necessary for human society for its normal existence and development, as well as the science that studies economic processes.

The economy plays a huge role in the life of society. It provides people with the material conditions of existence - food, clothing, housing and other consumer goods. The economic sphere is the main sphere of society, it determines the course of all the processes taking place in it.

The main factor of production (or main inputs) is:

the land with all its riches;

labor depends on the number of the population and its education and qualifications;

capital (machines, machine tools, premises, etc.);

Entrepreneurial ability.

For centuries, the problem of how to satisfy the many needs of people has been solved by extensive development of the economy, that is, the involvement of new spaces and cheap natural resources in the economy.

With the development of scientific and technological progress, it became clear that this approach to the use of resources has exhausted itself: humanity has felt their limitations. Since then, the economy has developed intense way, implying the rationality and efficiency of the use of resources. According to this approach, a person must process the available resources in such a way as to achieve maximum results at a minimum cost.

The main questions of the economy - what, how and for whom to produce.

Different economic systems solve them differently. Depending on this, they are divided into four main types: traditional, centralized (administrative-command), market and mixed.

From the traditional economy manufacturing industry began. Now it has been preserved in a number of economically underdeveloped countries. It is based on natural form of economy. Signs of natural production are: direct relations in production, distribution, exchange and consumption; products are produced for domestic consumption; It is based on communal (public) and private ownership of the means of production. The traditional type of economy prevailed at the pre-industrial stage of the development of society.

Centralized (or administrative-command) economy based on a unified plan. It dominated the territory of the Soviet Union, in the countries of Eastern Europe, and a number of Asian states. Currently preserved in North Korea and Cuba. Its main features are: state regulation of the national economy, which is based on state ownership of most economic resources; strong monopolization and bureaucratization of the economy; centralized economic planning of all economic activity.

Under market refers to an economy based on commodity production. The most important mechanism for coordinating economic activity here is the market. For the existence of a market economy, private property is necessary (that is, the exclusive right to own, use and dispose of goods belonging to a person); competition; free, market-determined prices.

The economic systems mentioned above are almost never found in their pure form. In each country, elements of various economic systems are combined in their own way. Thus, in developed countries there is a combination of market and centralized economic systems, but the former plays a dominant role, although the role of the state in organizing the economic life of society is significant. This combination is called mixed economy. The main goal of such a system is to use the strengths and overcome the shortcomings of a market and centralized economy. Sweden and Denmark are classic examples of mixed economies.

In connection with the transition of a number of former socialist countries from a centrally controlled economy to a market economy, they formed a special type of economic system called transitional economy. Its main task is to build a market economic system in the future.

2. Read an excerpt from the work of a contemporary sociologist. “Parents and children cannot and
must be financially equal. Parents should have power over their children
We are in the public interest. And yet their relationship must, in principle, be
equality. In a democratic family, parental power is based on an unwritten agreement.
Shenia". How do you understand the author’s words that the power of parents over children is responsible for everything
common interests? Whose interests, besides the interests of children and parents, are implied here?
What, in your opinion, could be the “unwritten agreement” mentioned by the author between
parents and children?

Any stable, steadily developing society is interested in a strong family. What is a “normal”, “healthy” family? This is a small group, united by blood relations, having family rules, which should serve as a direction for the development of each individual in the family. Such a family is characterized by warm relations between generations. The authority of parents, on the one hand, must be indisputable, there must be a distance between children and parents - for the simple reason that parents have more life experience, they are responsible and financially provide education and upbringing of children. Consent between parents, their authority creates a sense of security for children. But, on the other hand, a healthy family cannot be based on the suppression of children's independence. The true authority of parents should be clearly understood, not questioned and does not need constant demonstration. Children should feel free to express their opinion, defend their point of view, respecting the position of their parents.

The absence of stable hierarchical relations in the family leads to the creation of the so-called "permissive" style of relationships. In such a family, behind the seeming permissiveness is a deep indifference to each other. Such a family is formal, does not provide support in difficult times and does not provide the right guidelines for development.

As a result, the authoritarian style of relationships between parents and children also leads to alienation, suppresses independence and initiative, and ultimately can develop cruelty and aggression towards each other, or suppress a person, develop an inferiority complex.

Thus, the most complete is a family with a democratic style of relationships, where respect for elders is adjacent to equality and cooperation, the family that serves as a safe haven in all life's problems and troubles.

3. You turn 16 years old and during the summer holidays you decide to get a temporary job
the one to earn money to buy a gift for parents. What documents do you need
provide to the employer? What document should you sign? What points do you sign
the document you are submitting should be given special attention?

In this case, a 16-year-old minor must submit to the employer: a passport and a certificate of preliminary medical examination (examination).

If yes, then a work book and an insurance certificate of state pension insurance are submitted.

When applying for a job, a minor must sign an employment contract. Moreover, in this case - a fixed-term employment contract. In the employment contract, the employee should pay attention to the following points:

· place of work;

labor function (that is, a specific type of work received);

date of commencement of work;

the duration of the contract and the reasons for which a fixed-term employment contract was concluded;

conditions of remuneration;

working hours and rest periods, etc.

It is also necessary to remember that, according to Article 92 of the Labor Code of the Russian Federation, persons from 16 to 18 years old are set a reduced working time - no more than 35 hours per week.