Eighth congress of the RKP. Comments 8 Congress of the RKP

Program
Russian Communist Party
(Bolsheviks)

The October Revolution (October 25, November 7, 1917) in Russia brought about the dictatorship of the proletariat, which, with the support of the poorest peasantry or semi-proletariat, began to build the foundations of a communist society. The course of the development of the revolution in Germany and Austria-Hungary, the growth of the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in all advanced countries, the spread of the Soviet form of this movement, i. revolution.

This revolution was the inevitable result of the development of capitalism, which is still dominant in most civilized countries. The nature of capitalism and bourgeois society was correctly described by our old program, apart from the inaccurate name of the Social-Democratic Party, in the following propositions:

“The main feature of such a society is commodity production based on capitalist production relations, in which the most important and significant part of the means of production and circulation of goods belongs to a small class of people, while the vast majority of the population consists of proletarians and semi-proletarians, forced by their economic situation constantly or periodically sell their labor power, i.e., act as hirelings to the capitalists, and by their labor create income for the upper classes of society.

The area of ​​domination of capitalist production relations is expanding more and more in proportion as the constant improvement of technology, increasing the economic importance of large enterprises, leads to the displacement of small independent producers, turning some of them into proletarians, narrowing the role of the rest in socio-economic life and in some places placing them into a more or less complete, more or less obvious, more or less heavy dependence on capital. The same technical progress, moreover, gives entrepreneurs the opportunity to use women's and children's labor on an increasing scale in the process of production and circulation of goods. And since, on the other hand, it leads to a relative decrease in the need of entrepreneurs for the living labor of workers, the demand for labor power necessarily lags behind its supply, as a result of which the dependence of wage labor on capital increases and the level of its exploitation rises.

“This state of affairs within the bourgeois countries and their ever-increasing mutual rivalry on the world market make it more and more difficult to sell goods produced in ever-increasing quantities. Overproduction, which manifests itself in more or less acute industrial crises, followed by more or less prolonged periods of industrial stagnation, is an inevitable consequence of the development of the productive forces in bourgeois society. Crises and periods of industrial stagnation, in turn, further ruin the small producers, further increase the dependence of wage labor on capital, and lead still more rapidly to a relative and sometimes to an absolute worsening of the condition of the working class.

“Thus, the improvement of technology, which means an increase in labor productivity and the growth of social wealth, causes in bourgeois society an increase in social inequality, an increase in the distance between the haves and have-nots and an increase in the insecurity of existence, unemployment and various kinds of deprivations for ever larger sections of the working masses.

“But as all these contradictions inherent in bourgeois society grow and develop, the dissatisfaction of the working and exploited masses with the existing order of things also grows, the number and solidarity of the proletarians grows, and their struggle against their exploiters intensifies. At the same time, the improvement of technology, by concentrating the means of production and circulation and by socializing the labor process in capitalist enterprises, more and more rapidly creates the material possibility of replacing capitalist relations of production with communist ones, i.e., of that social revolution which is the ultimate goal of all international communist party as a conscious spokesman for the class movement of the proletariat.

“By replacing private ownership of the means of production and circulation with public ownership, and by introducing a planned organization of the socially productive process to ensure the well-being and all-round development of all members of society, the social revolution of the proletariat will abolish the division of society into classes and thereby liberate all oppressed humanity, as it will put an end to all types of exploitation. one part of society to another.

“The necessary condition for this social revolution is the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the conquest by the proletariat of such political power as will enable it to crush all resistance from the exploiters. Setting itself the task of making the proletariat capable of fulfilling its great historical mission, the international communist party organizes it into an independent political party opposed to all bourgeois parties, directs all manifestations of its class struggle, exposes to it the irreconcilable opposition of the interests of the exploiters to the interests of the exploited, and explains to it the historical significance and necessary conditions for the coming social revolution. At the same time, it reveals to the rest of the working and exploited masses the hopelessness of its position in capitalist society and the need for a social revolution in the interests of its own liberation from the yoke of capital. The party of the working class, the Communist Party, calls into its ranks all sections of the working and exploited population, since they go over to the point of view of the proletariat.”

The process of concentration and centralization of capital, destroying free competition, led at the beginning of the 20th century to the creation of powerful monopoly unions of capitalists - syndicates, cartels, trusts - which gained decisive importance in all economic life, to the merger of banking capital with industrial capital of enormous concentration and to increased export capital to foreign countries. The trusts, embracing entire groups of capitalist powers, began the economic division of the world, already divided territorially among the richest countries. This epoch of finance capital, which inevitably intensifies the struggle between the capitalist states, is the epoch of imperialism.

This inevitably results in imperialist wars, wars for markets, for spheres of investment of capital, for raw materials and for labor power, i.e., for world domination and for power over small and weak nationalities. This is precisely the first great imperialist war of 1914-1918.

And the extremely high degree of development of world capitalism in general; and the replacement of free competition by state-monopoly capitalism; and preparation by the banks, as well as by the unions of capitalists, of an apparatus for the social regulation of the process of production and distribution of products; and the growth of high prices and the oppression of the syndicates over the working class, which is connected with the growth of the capitalist monopolies, its enslavement by the imperialist state, and the gigantic difficulty in the economic and political struggle of the proletariat; and the horrors, calamities, and ruin engendered by the imperialist war—all this made the collapse of capitalism and the transition to a higher type of social economy inevitable.

The imperialist war could not end not only in a just peace, but in general in the conclusion of any kind of stable peace by the bourgeois governments. At the stage of development of capitalism reached, it has inevitably turned and is turning before our eyes into a civil war of the exploited working masses, with the proletariat at their head, against the bourgeoisie.

The growing onslaught on the part of the proletariat, and especially its victories in individual countries, intensify the resistance of the exploiters and cause on their part the creation of new forms of international association of capitalists (the League of Nations, etc.), which, organizing on a world scale the systematic exploitation of all the peoples of the earth, bring their own efforts are directed towards the direct suppression of the revolutionary movements of the proletariat of all countries.

All this inevitably leads to a combination of civil wars within individual states with revolutionary wars by both proletarian countries on the defensive and oppressed peoples against the yoke of the imperialist powers.

Under these conditions, the slogans of pacifism, international disarmament under capitalism, arbitration courts, etc., are not only a reactionary utopia, but also a direct deception of the working people, aimed at disarming the proletariat and diverting it from the task of disarming the exploiters.

Only a proletarian, communist revolution can lead mankind out of the impasse created by imperialism and imperialist wars. Whatever the difficulties of the revolution and its possible temporary setbacks or the waves of counter-revolution, the final victory of the proletariat is inevitable.

This victory of the world proletarian revolution requires the fullest confidence, the closest fraternal alliance and the greatest possible unity of the revolutionary actions of the working class in the advanced countries.

These conditions cannot be realized without a decisive break in principle and a merciless struggle against that bourgeois perversion of socialism which has won victory at the top of the official Social Democratic and Socialist parties.

Such a perversion is, on the one hand, the current of opportunism and social-chauvinism, socialism in words, chauvinism in deeds, the cover for the defense of the predatory interests of one's national bourgeoisie with the false slogan of defense of the fatherland, both in general and in particular during the imperialist war of 1914-1918. This trend was created by the fact that the advanced capitalist states, by robbing the colonial and weak peoples, enable the bourgeoisie, at the expense of the superprofits obtained by this robbery, to put in a privileged position and thus bribe the tops of the proletariat, to provide them with a tolerable petty-bourgeois existence in peacetime and to take them into service themselves the leaders of this layer. The opportunists and social-chauvinists, being servants of the bourgeoisie, are the direct class enemies of the proletariat, especially now that, in alliance with the capitalists, they are suppressing the revolutionary movement of the proletariat, both in their own countries and in foreign countries, with armed force.

On the other hand, the bourgeois perversion of socialism is the current of the "centre", observed in the same way in all capitalist countries, which oscillates between social-chauvinists and communists, defending unity with the former and trying to revive the bankrupt Second International. The leader of the struggle of the proletariat for its liberation is only the new, Third, Communist International, one of whose detachments is the RCP. This International was actually created by the formation of communist parties from really proletarian elements of former socialist parties in a number of countries, and especially in Germany, and was formally founded in March 1919 at its first congress in Moscow. The Communist International, which is gaining more and more sympathy among the masses of the proletariat of all countries, not only returns to Marxism in its name, but also in all its ideological and political content, in all its actions, implements the revolutionary teaching of Marx, cleansed of bourgeois-opportunist distortions.

Developing more concretely the tasks of the proletarian dictatorship in relation to Russia, the main feature of which is the numerical predominance of the petty-bourgeois strata of the population, the RCP defines these tasks as follows:

In the field of general political

1. A bourgeois republic, even the most democratic one, consecrated by the slogans of a popular, national or non-class will, inevitably remained in reality - due to the fact that there was private ownership of land and other means of production - the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, a machine for the exploitation and suppression of the vast majority of working people a handful of capitalists. In contrast, proletarian or Soviet democracy has transformed the mass organizations of precisely the classes oppressed by capitalism, the proletarians and the poorest peasants—semi-proletarians, i.e., the vast majority of the population—into the permanent and sole basis of the entire state apparatus, local and central, from top to bottom. Thus, by the way, the Soviet state implemented, by the way, in an incomparably wider form than anywhere else, local and regional self-government, without any authorities appointed from above. The Party's task is to work untiringly towards the actual implementation of this highest type of democracy, which requires, for its correct functioning, a constant increase in the level of culture, organization and self-activity of the masses.

2. In contrast to bourgeois democracy, which hid the class character of its state, the Soviet government openly admits the inevitability of the class character of any state until the division of society into classes has completely disappeared, and with it all state power. The Soviet state, by its very nature, is directed towards suppressing the resistance of the exploiters, and the Soviet Constitution, proceeding from the fact that any freedom is a fraud if it contradicts the emancipation of labor from the oppression of capital, does not stop at depriving the exploiters of political rights. The task of the party of the proletariat is, while steadily suppressing the resistance of the exploiters and ideologically combating deeply rooted prejudices about the unconditional nature of bourgeois rights and freedoms, at the same time explaining that the deprivation of political rights and any restrictions on freedom whatever are necessary solely as temporary measures to combat the attempts of the exploiters to defend or restore their privileges. As the objective possibility of the exploitation of man by man disappears, the need for these temporary measures will also disappear, and the Party will strive to narrow them down and to abolish them completely.

3. Bourgeois democracy was limited to the formal extension of political rights and freedoms, such as: the right of assembly, union, press, equally to all citizens. But in reality, both administrative practice and, above all, the economic slavery of the working people, under bourgeois democracy, has always made it impossible for them to make any wide use of these rights and freedoms.

On the contrary, proletarian democracy replaces the formal proclamation of rights and freedoms with their actual granting, first of all and most of all, precisely to those classes of the population that were oppressed by capitalism, i.e., to the proletariat and peasantry. To this end, the Soviet government expropriates premises, printing houses, paper warehouses, etc. from the bourgeoisie, placing them at the complete disposal of the working people and their organizations.

The task of the RCP is to draw ever broader masses of the working population into the enjoyment of democratic rights and freedoms and to expand the material possibilities for this.

4. Bourgeois democracy for centuries proclaimed the equality of people regardless of sex, religion, race and nationality, but capitalism did not allow this equality to be realized anywhere in practice, and in its imperialist stage led to a strong intensification of racial and national oppression. Only because Soviet power is the power of the working people was it able to carry out this equality for the first time in the world to the end and in all spheres of life, up to the complete elimination of the last traces of the inequality of women in the field of marriage and family law in general. The task of the Party at the present moment is primarily ideological and educational work to completely destroy all traces of former inequality or prejudice, especially among the backward sections of the proletariat and peasantry.

Not limited to the formal equality of women, the party seeks to free them from the material burdens of an obsolete household by replacing it with communal houses, public canteens, central laundries, nurseries, etc.

5. Providing for the working masses an incomparably greater opportunity than under bourgeois democracy and parliamentarism to elect and recall deputies in the easiest and most accessible way for the workers and peasants, the Soviet government at the same time eliminates the negative aspects of parliamentarism, especially the separation of legislative and executive powers, isolation of representative institutions from the masses, etc.

The Soviet state also brings the state apparatus closer to the masses by making not the territorial district but the production unit (works, factory) the electoral unit and the basic cell of the state.

The task of the Party is to carry out all the work in this direction, to achieve a further rapprochement between the organs of power and the masses of the working people on the basis of an ever stricter and more complete exercise by these masses of democracy in practice, especially through responsibility and accountability.
officials.

6. While bourgeois democracy, contrary to its declarations, was turning the army into a tool of the propertied classes, separating it from the working masses and opposing it to them, destroying or making it difficult for soldiers to exercise political rights, the Soviet state merges in its organs, in the Soviets workers and soldiers on the basis of the complete equality of their rights and the unity of their interests. The task of the Party is to uphold and develop this unity of workers and soldiers in the Soviets, strengthening the inseparable ties between the armed forces and the organizations of the proletariat and semi-proletariat.

7. The leading role of the urban industrial proletariat throughout the revolution, as the most concentrated, united, enlightened and hardened part of the working masses in the struggle, was manifested both in the very emergence of the Soviets and in the entire course of their development into government bodies. Our Soviet Constitution reflected this by retaining a certain advantage for the industrial proletariat over the more dispersed petty-bourgeois masses in the countryside.

The Russian Communist Party, explaining the temporary nature of these advantages, which are historically connected with the difficulties of the socialist organization of the countryside, should strive for the steady and systematic use of this position of the industrial proletariat in order to counterbalance the narrow craft and narrow professional interests that capitalism cultivated among the workers, to unite more closely with the advanced workers the most backward and scattered masses of rural proletarians and semi-proletarians, as well as the middle peasantry.

8. Only thanks to the Soviet organization of the state, the revolution of the proletariat could immediately smash and destroy to the ground the old, bourgeois, bureaucratic and judicial state apparatus. However, the insufficiently high cultural level of the broad masses, the lack of necessary management skills among the workers promoted by the masses to responsible positions, the need to hastily recruit specialists of the old school in difficult conditions and divert the most developed layer of urban workers to military work led to a partial revival of bureaucracy within the Soviet system.

Waging the most resolute struggle against bureaucracy, the Russian Communist Party advocates the following measures to completely overcome this evil:

1. Mandatory involvement of each member of the Council in the performance of certain work on state administration.
2. The successive change of these works so that they gradually cover all branches of management.
3. Gradual involvement of the entire working population without exception in the work of running the state.

The full and comprehensive implementation of all these measures, representing a further step along the path taken by the Paris Commune, and the simplification of administrative functions while raising the cultural level of the working people, will lead to the destruction of state power.

In the field of national relations

9. In the national question, the RCP is guided by the following provisions:

1) The policy of drawing together the proletarians and semi-proletarians of different nationalities for the joint revolutionary struggle to overthrow the landowners and the bourgeoisie is placed at the forefront.

2) In order to overcome the distrust on the part of the working masses of the oppressed countries in the proletariat of the states that oppressed these countries, it is necessary to abolish all and any privileges of any national group, complete equality of nations, recognition of the right of the colonies and unequal nations to state secession.

3) For the same purposes, as one of the transitional forms on the road to complete unity, the Party puts forward a federative association of states organized according to the Soviet type.

4) On the question of who is the bearer of the will of the nation to secede, the RCP takes a historical-class point of view, taking into account the stage of its historical development at which the given nation stands: on the path from the Middle Ages to bourgeois democracy or from bourgeois democracy to Soviet or proletarian democracy, etc.

In any case, on the part of the proletariat of those nations that were oppressor nations, special caution and special attention are needed to the survivals of national feelings among the working masses of oppressed or deprived nations. Only with such a policy is it possible to create conditions for a truly lasting, voluntary unity of the nationally heterogeneous elements of the international proletariat, as the experience of uniting a number of national Soviet republics around Soviet Russia has shown.

In the field of military

10. In the sphere of the military task of the party, the following basic provisions are determined:

1) In the era of the disintegration of imperialism and the growing civil war, it is impossible either to preserve the old army or to build a new one on a so-called non-class or national basis. The Red Army, as an instrument of the proletarian dictatorship, must of necessity have an openly class character, i.e., be formed exclusively from the proletariat and the semi-proletarian strata of the peasantry close to it. Only in connection with the abolition of classes will such a class army turn into an all-people socialist militia.

2) The widest possible training of all proletarians and semi-proletarians in military affairs and the introduction of the teaching of appropriate subjects in schools is necessary.

3) The work of military training and education of the Red Army is carried out on the basis of class unity and socialist enlightenment. Therefore, it is necessary to have political commissars made up of reliable and self-sacrificing communists, along with military commanders, and the creation of communist cells in each part in order to establish internal ideological bonds and conscious discipline.

4) In contrast to the order of the old army, it is necessary: ​​a short period of purely barracks training is possible, the barracks are closer to the type of military and military-political schools, a close connection between military formations and factories, factories, trade unions, and organizations of the rural poor is possible.

5) The necessary organizational connection and stability can be imparted to the young revolutionary army only with the help of the commanding staff, at first at least the lowest, from among class-conscious workers and peasants. The preparation of the most capable and energetic soldiers devoted to the cause of socialism for command positions is, therefore, one of the most important tasks in building up an army.

6) The widest possible use and application of the operational and technical experience of the last world war is necessary. In this regard, it is necessary to widely involve military specialists who have gone through the school of the old army in the organization of the army and its operational leadership. In turn, a necessary condition for such involvement is the concentration of the political leadership of the army and all-round control over the command staff in the hands of the working class.

7) The demand for the election of command staff, which was of great fundamental importance in relation to the bourgeois army, where the command staff was selected and trained as an apparatus for the class subordination of soldiers and, through the mediation of the soldiers, the working masses, completely loses its fundamental significance in relation to the class workers and peasants. Red Army. The possible combination of election and appointment is dictated to the revolutionary class army by purely practical considerations and depends on the level of formation achieved, the degree of cohesion of the army units, the availability of command cadres, and the like.

In the field of judicial

11. Taking all power into its own hands and abolishing without a trace the organs of bourgeois domination, the courts of the former structure, proletarian democracy, instead of the formula of bourgeois democracy - the election of judges by the people - put forward the class slogan - the election of judges from among the working people only by the working people and carried it through the entire organization of the court, equalizing at the same time, both sexes have every right both in choosing judges and in exercising the duties of judges.

In order to attract the broadest masses of the proletariat and the poorest peasantry to the administration of justice, the participation in the court of constantly changing temporary judges of assessors was introduced, with the involvement in the compilation of lists of mass workers' organizations, trade unions, etc.

Having created a single people's court to replace the endless series of previous courts of various structures, with many instances, the Soviet government simplified the structure of the court, making it absolutely accessible to the population and eliminating any red tape in the conduct of business.

Having repealed the laws of the overthrown governments, the Soviet government instructed the judges elected by the Soviets to carry out the will of the proletariat, applying its decrees, and in the absence of such or their incompleteness, to be guided by socialist legal consciousness.

In the field of punishment, the courts organized in this way have already led to a radical change in the nature of punishment, carrying out conditional condemnation on a large scale, introducing public censure as a measure of punishment, replacing deprivation of liberty with compulsory labor while maintaining freedom, replacing prisons with educational institutions and making it possible to apply the practice of comrades' courts.

The Russian Communist Party, while advocating the further development of the court along the same path, should strive to ensure that the entire working population is enlisted without exception in the exercise of judicial duties and that the system of punishments be finally replaced by a system of measures of an educational nature.

In the field of public education

12. In the field of public education, the RCP sets itself the task of completing the work begun with the October Revolution of 1917 to transform the school from an instrument of the class rule of the bourgeoisie into an instrument for the complete abolition of the division of society into classes, into an instrument for the communist transformation of society.

In the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., in the period of preparation for the conditions that make the full realization of communism possible, the school must be not only a conductor of the principles of communism in general, but also a conductor of the ideological, organizational, educational influence of the proletariat on the semi-proletarian and non-proletarian sections of the working masses in order to educate generation capable of finally establishing communism.

The immediate task along this path is at present the further development of the following foundations of school and educational work, already established by the Soviet government:

1) Conducting free and compulsory general and polytechnic (introducing in theory and practice to all major branches of production) education for all children of both sexes up to 17 years of age.

2) Creation of a network of preschool institutions: nurseries, gardens, hearths, etc., in order to improve social education and emancipate women.

3) Full implementation of the principles of a unified labor school, with teaching in the native language, with joint education of children of both sexes, unconditionally secular, that is, free from any religious influence, conducting a close connection between education and socially productive labor, preparing comprehensively developed members of communist society.

4) Supplying all students with food, clothing, footwear and teaching aids at the expense of the state.

5) Training of new cadres of educators imbued with the ideas of communism.

6) Attraction of the working population to active participation in the cause of education (development of "councils of public education", mobilization of the literate, etc.).

7) Comprehensive state assistance to the self-education and self-development of workers and peasants (creation of a network of institutions of out-of-school education: libraries, schools for adults, people's houses and universities, courses, lectures, cinemas, studios, etc.).

8) Broad development of vocational education for persons from 17 years of age in connection with general polytechnical knowledge.

9) Opening wide access in the auditorium of the higher school for everyone who wants to study, and in the first place for workers; attracting to teaching in higher education all those who can teach there; elimination of all and all artificial barriers between fresh scientific forces and the department; material support for students in order to give the proletarians and peasants a real opportunity to take advantage of higher education.

10) It is equally necessary to open and make available to the working people all the treasures of art created on the basis of the exploitation of their labor and which have hitherto been at the exclusive disposal of the exploiters.

11) The development of the broadest propaganda of communist ideas and the use for this purpose of the apparatus and means of state power.

In the field of religious relations

13. With regard to religion, the RCP is not satisfied with the already decreed separation of the church from the state and the school from the church, ie. measures that the bourgeois democrats put forward in their programs, but nowhere in the world have they been carried through to the end, thanks to the manifold actual connections of capital with religious propaganda.

The RCP is guided by the conviction that only the implementation of planning and consciousness in all social and economic activities of the masses will entail the complete withering away of religious prejudices. The Party aims at the complete destruction of the connection between the exploiting classes and the organization of religious propaganda, contributing to the actual liberation of the working masses from religious prejudices and organizing the widest scientific-educational and anti-religious propaganda. At the same time, it is necessary to carefully avoid any insult to the feelings of believers, leading only to the consolidation of religious fanaticism.

In the field of economic

1. Steadily continue and carry through to the end the expropriation of the bourgeoisie, which has begun and, in the main and in the main, has already been completed, the transformation of the means of production and circulation into the property of the Soviet Republic, i.e., into the common property of all working people.

2. As the main and fundamental, which determines the entire economic policy of the Soviet government, to put the all-round increase in the country's productive forces.

In view of the severe devastation the country is experiencing, the practical goal of immediately and at all costs to increase the amount of products most necessary for the population - everything else must be subordinated. Practical results in this respect should measure the success of the work of every Soviet institution connected with the national economy.

In doing so, you must first pay attention to the following:

3. The disintegration of the imperialist economy left the legacy of the first period of Soviet construction a certain chaotic nature in the organization of production and its management. All the more insistently is put forward - as one of the fundamental tasks - the maximum unification of all economic activity of the country according to one nationwide plan; the greatest centralization of production in the sense of uniting it into separate branches and groups of branches and concentrating it in the best production units and in the sense of the speed with which economic tasks are carried out; the greatest coherence of the entire production apparatus, the rational and economical use of all the material resources of the country.

At the same time, care must be taken to expand economic cooperation and political ties with other peoples, striving at the same time to establish a single economic plan with those of them who have already gone over to the Soviet system.

4. In relation to small and handicraft industry, it is necessary to use it extensively by giving state orders to handicraftsmen; the inclusion of handicraft and small-scale industry in the general plan for the supply of raw materials and fuel, as well as its financial support, provided that individual handicraftsmen, handicraft artels, productive cooperatives and small enterprises unite into larger production and industrial units; encouragement of such associations by giving them economic advantages, aimed, along with other measures, at paralyzing the tendency of handicraftsmen to turn into small industrialists and creating a painless transition of these backward forms of production to a higher, large-scale machine industry.

5. The organizational apparatus of socialized industry must be based primarily on the trade unions. They must increasingly free themselves from the narrowness of the shop floor and turn into large production associations, embracing the majority, and gradually all without exception, of the working people in a given branch of production.

Already, in accordance with the laws of the Soviet Republic and established practice, members of all local and central organs of industrial administration, the trade unions must come to the physical concentration in their hands of all management of the entire national economy, as a single economic entity. Ensuring in this way an inseparable link between the central state administration, the national economy and the broad masses of the working people, the trade unions must involve the latter on the widest possible scale in the direct work of managing the economy. The participation of the trade unions in the management of the economy and their enlistment of the broad masses in this is, at the same time, the main means of combating the bureaucratization of the economic apparatus of the Soviet government and makes it possible to establish genuine people's control over the results of production.

6. Necessary for the planned development of the national economy, the maximum use of all the labor force available in the state, its correct distribution and redistribution both between various territorial regions and between various branches of the national economy, should constitute the immediate task of the economic policy of the Soviet government, which can be carried out it only in close unity with the trade unions.

The wholesale mobilization of the entire able-bodied population by the Soviet government, with the participation of the trade unions, for the performance of certain public works, must be applied incomparably more widely and more systematically than has been done up to now.

7. In the situation of the collapse of the capitalist organization of labor, the productive forces of the country can be restored and developed, and the socialist mode of production can be consolidated only on the basis of comradely discipline of the working people, their maximum self-activity, consciousness of responsibility and the strictest mutual control over the productivity of labor.

Achieving this goal requires persistent, systematic work on the re-education of the masses, which is now facilitated precisely because the masses see in practice the elimination of the capitalist, landowner and merchant and come to the conclusion from their own practical experience that the level of their well-being depends solely on the discipline of their own labor.

In this work of creating a new socialist discipline, the main role falls to the lot of the trade unions. The latter, breaking with the old pattern, must, in order to achieve this goal, apply and test in practice various measures, such as the establishment of accountability, production standards, the introduction of responsibility before special comradely workers' courts, etc.

8. The same task of developing the productive forces requires the immediate, wide and comprehensive use of the specialists in science and technology left to us by capitalism, despite the fact that in most cases they are inevitably imbued with bourgeois world outlook and skills. The Party considers that the period of sharp struggle against this layer, caused by the sabotage organized by them, has ended, since this sabotage has been broken in general. The Party must, in close alliance with the trade unions, pursue its former line: on the one hand, not give the slightest political concession to the given bourgeois stratum and ruthlessly suppress any counter-revolutionary encroachment of it, and on the other hand, just as mercilessly fight against the supposedly radical, in fact, by ignorant self-conceit, as if the working people are able to overcome capitalism and the bourgeois system without learning from bourgeois specialists, without using them, without doing a long school of work alongside them.

Striving for equality of remuneration for all labor and for complete communism, the Soviet government cannot set itself the task of immediately realizing this equality at the present moment, when only the first steps are being taken towards the transition from capitalism to communism. Therefore, it is still necessary to maintain for a certain time a higher remuneration of specialists so that they can work no worse, but better than before, and for the same purpose it is impossible to abandon the system of bonuses for the most successful and especially organizational work.

In the same way, it is necessary to place bourgeois specialists in an atmosphere of comradely common labor, hand in hand with the mass of rank-and-file workers led by conscious communists, and thereby promote mutual understanding and rapprochement between manual and mental workers separated by capitalism.

9. The Soviet government has already taken a number of measures aimed at the development of science and its convergence with production: the creation of a whole network of new research and production institutes, laboratories, testing stations, pilot plants for testing new technical methods, improvements and inventions, accounting and organizing all scientific forces and resources, etc. The Russian Communist Party, supporting all these measures, strives to further develop them and create the most favorable conditions for scientific work in connection with raising the productive forces of the country.

In the field of agriculture

10. The Soviet government, having carried out the complete abolition of private ownership of land, has already gone over to the implementation of a whole series of measures aimed at organizing large-scale socialist agriculture. The most important of these measures are:

1) the organization of Soviet farms, i.e., large socialist economies;

2) support of societies, as well as partnerships for the public cultivation of the land;

3) organization of state sowing of all, no matter who, unsown lands:

4) state mobilization of all agronomic forces for vigorous measures to improve agricultural culture;

5) support for agricultural communes, as completely voluntary unions of farmers for conducting a large common economy.

Considering all these measures as the only way to an absolutely necessary increase in the productivity of agricultural labor, the Russian Communist Party strives to put these measures into effect as fully as possible, to extend them to the more backward regions of the country, and to take further steps in the same direction.

In particular, the RCP advocates:

1. all-round state support for agricultural cooperation engaged in the processing of agricultural products;
2. a widely carried out land reclamation system;
3. extensive and systematic supply of inventory to the poor and middle peasants through rental shops.

Bearing in mind that small-scale peasant farming will continue to exist for a long time to come, the Russian Communist Party strives to carry out a number of measures aimed at raising the productivity of peasant farming. These measures are:

1. streamlining peasant land use (eliminating striped land, long land, etc.);
2. supplying farmers with improved seeds and artificial fertilizers;
3. improvement of the breed of peasant livestock;
4. dissemination of agronomic knowledge;
5. agronomic assistance to peasants;
6. repair in the Soviet repair shops of agricultural peasant stock;
7. arrangement of rental stations, experimental stations, show fields, etc.;
8. melioration of peasant lands.

11. In view of the fact that the antithesis between town and countryside is one of the deepest foundations of the economic and cultural backwardness of the countryside, and in an era of such a deep crisis as the present one, it places both city and countryside in direct danger of degeneration and destruction, the RCP sees in the elimination of this opposition is one of the fundamental tasks of communist construction and, along with general measures, considers it necessary to involve industrial workers on a large scale in communist construction in agriculture, to develop the activities of the state-wide "Workers' Committee for Assistance" already established by the Soviet government for this purpose, and the like.

12. In all its work in the countryside, the RCP, as before, relies on its proletarian and semi-proletarian sections, organizes them first of all into an independent force, creating party cells in the countryside, organizations of the poor, trade unions of a special type of proletarians and semi-proletarians in the countryside, etc. bringing them closer in every possible way to the urban proletariat and tearing them out from under the influence of the rural bourgeoisie and petty proprietor interests.

In relation to the kulaks, to the rural bourgeoisie, the policy of the RCP consists in a resolute struggle against their exploitative tendencies, in the suppression of their resistance to Soviet policy.

In relation to the middle peasantry, the policy of the RCP consists in gradually and systematically drawing it into the work of socialist construction. The Party makes it its task to separate them from the kulaks, to win them over to the side of the working class by paying attention to their needs, combating their backwardness by measures of ideological influence, by no means by measures of suppression, by striving in all cases where their vital interests are affected, to reach practical agreements with them. , making concessions to him in determining the methods for carrying out socialist transformations.

In the area of ​​distribution

13. In the field of distribution, the task of the Soviet government at the present time is to steadily continue to replace trade with a planned distribution of products organized on a national scale. The goal is to organize the entire population into a single network of consumer communes capable of distributing all the necessary products with the greatest speed, planning, economy and with the least expenditure of labor, strictly centralizing the entire distribution apparatus. Consumer communes and their associations should be based on the existing civil and workers' co-operatives, which is the largest consumer organization and the apparatus of mass distribution best prepared in the history of capitalism.

Considering that the only correct thing in principle is the further communist development of the cooperative apparatus, and not its rejection, the RCP must systematically continue its policy: to oblige all members of the Party to work in cooperatives, to guide them, also with the help of trade unions, in the communist spirit, to develop the initiative and discipline of the working people. of the population united in cooperatives, to strive to ensure that the entire population is covered by cooperatives and that these cooperatives merge into a single cooperative that embraces the entire Soviet Republic from top to bottom; In practice, various measures are taken to facilitate and effect the transition from petty-bourgeois cooperatives of the old, capitalist type to consumer communes led by proletarians and semi-proletarians.

In the field of money and banking

14. Avoiding the error of the Paris Commune. Soviet power in Russia immediately seized the state bank, then proceeded to nationalize private commercial banks, set about merging the nationalized banks, savings banks and treasuries with the state bank, thus creating the skeleton of a single people's bank of the Soviet Republic and turning the bank from the center of economic domination of finance capital and instruments of the political domination of the exploiters into an instrument of workers' power and a lever for an economic revolution.

Setting as its goal the further consistent completion of the work begun by the Soviet government, the Russian Communist Party brings to the fore the following principles:

1. monopolization of the entire banking business in the hands of the Soviet state;
2. a radical change and simplification of banking operations by turning the banking apparatus into an apparatus for uniform accounting and general accounting of the Soviet Republic. As a planned social economy is organized, this will lead to the destruction of the bank and its transformation into the central accounting department of communist society.

15. In the early days of the transition from capitalism to communism, while communist production and distribution of products have not yet been fully organized, the abolition of money seems impossible. Under such a situation, the bourgeois elements of the population continue to use banknotes that remain privately owned for the purpose of speculation, gain and rob the working people. Relying on the nationalization of the banks, the RCP strives to carry out a number of measures that expand the area of ​​non-monetary settlements and prepare for the destruction of money: the obligatory keeping of money in the people's bank; the introduction of budget books, the replacement of money with checks, short-term tickets for the right to receive food, etc.

In finance

Under these conditions, the balancing of revenues and expenditures is feasible only with the correct organization of state planned production and distribution of products. As regards covering direct state expenditures in the transition period, the RCP will advocate a transition from the system of indemnities from the capitalists, which was historically necessary and legal in the early days of the socialist revolution, to a progressive income and property tax. And since this tax is outliving itself by virtue of the widespread expropriation of the propertied classes, the covering of state expenditures must rest on the direct conversion of part of the proceeds from the various state monopolies into state revenue.

In the field of housing

17. In an effort to resolve the housing issue, especially exacerbated during the war. The Soviet government completely expropriated all the houses of capitalist house owners and handed them over to the city councils; carried out a mass migration of workers from the outskirts to bourgeois houses; transferred the best of them to workers' organizations, accepting the maintenance of these buildings at the expense of the state; began to provide working families with furniture, etc.

The task of the RCP is, following the above path and by no means hurting the interests of non-capitalist households, to strive with all its might to improve the living conditions of the working masses; to the destruction of the overcrowding and insanitary conditions of the old quarters, to the destruction of unusable dwellings, to the reconstruction of old ones, the construction of new ones, corresponding to the new living conditions of the working masses, to the rational resettlement of the working people.

In the field of labor protection and social security

With the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, it became possible for the first time to implement the minimum program of the socialist parties in the field of labor protection in full.

The Soviet government legislated and fixed in the "Labor Code": an 8-hour working day for all workers as the maximum working time, and for persons under the age of 18, in especially hazardous industries, as well as for miners employed underground, the working day should not exceed 6 hours; 42 hours weekly uninterrupted rest for all workers; prohibition of overtime work as a general rule; the prohibition to use the labor of children and adolescents under the age of 16; the prohibition of night work and work in particularly hazardous industries, as well as overtime work for all females and males under the age of 18; the release of women from work for 8 weeks before and 8 weeks after childbirth with the preservation of full earnings for all this time, with free medical and medicinal care and the provision of workers every three hours for at least half an hour to feed the child and the issuance of additional benefits to nursing mothers; a labor inspectorate and a sanitary inspectorate elected by trade union councils.

The Soviet government carried out by law full social security for all workers who do not exploit the labor of others, from all types of disability and, for the first time in the world, from unemployment, at the expense of employers and the state, with full self-government provided and with the broad participation of trade unions.

Furthermore. The Soviet government in some respects went further than the minimum program and established in the same "Labor Code" the participation of workers' organizations in solving questions of hiring and firing; monthly leave with pay for all workers who have worked continuously for at least one year; state regulation of wages on the basis of tariffs worked out by trade unions; certain bodies, namely the departments of distribution and accounting of labor under the Soviets and trade unions, are obliged to provide work to the unemployed.

But the extreme ruin caused by the war and the onslaught of world imperialism forced the Soviet government to make the following retreats: allow the use of overtime work in exceptional cases, limiting it to 50 days a year; allow the work of adolescents from 14 to 16 years old, limiting their working day to 4 hours; temporarily provide a two-week vacation instead of a 1-month vacation; increase the duration of night work to 7 hours.

The Russian Communist Party must carry out extensive propaganda for the active participation of the working people themselves in the energetic implementation of all measures in the field of labor protection, for which it is necessary:

1) to intensify work on the organization and expansion of labor inspection by selecting and training for this purpose active workers from among the workers themselves and by extending it to small and domestic industries;

2) extend labor protection to all types of labor (construction workers, land and water transport, servants and agricultural workers);

3) definitively remove minors from work and carry out a further reduction of the working day for adolescents.

In addition, the RCP should set itself the task of establishing:

1) in the future, with a general increase in labor productivity, a maximum 6-hour working day without a decrease in remuneration for labor and with the obligation of the workers, in addition, to devote two hours, without special remuneration, to the theory of craft and production, practical training in the technique of public administration and the art of war;

2) introduction of an incentive system of remuneration for increasing labor productivity;

In the field of public health

The basis of its activities in the field of protecting public health, the RCP considers, first of all, the implementation of extensive health-improving and sanitary measures aimed at preventing the development of diseases. The dictatorship of the proletariat has already made it possible to put into practice a whole series of health-improving and medical measures that are not feasible within the framework of bourgeois society: the nationalization of the pharmacy business, large privately owned medical institutions, resorts, labor conscription of medical workers, etc.

In accordance with this, the RCP sets as its immediate task:

1) resolute implementation of broad sanitary measures in the interests of the workers, such as:
a) improvement of populated areas (protection of soil, water and air);

b) setting up public catering, on a scientific and hygienic basis;

c) organizing measures to prevent the development and spread of contagious diseases;

d) creation of sanitary legislation;

2) the fight against social diseases (tuberculosis, venereal disease, alcoholism, etc.);

3) provision of public, free and qualified medical and medicinal care.

The text of the program is given according to the publication

VIII Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks).
Moscow, March 18-23, 1919.
Verbatim report.

Ed. "Communist", Moscow, 1919.

The Congress considers it necessary to approve the gravest, most humiliating peace treaty with Germany signed by the Soviet government, in view of our lack of an army, in view of the extremely painful state of the demoralized front-line units, in view of the need to take advantage of any, even the slightest, opportunity for a respite before imperialism attacks the Soviet Socialist Republic.

... the congress declares that the first and main task of both our party, and the entire vanguard of the class-conscious proletariat, and the Soviet government, the congress recognizes the adoption of the most energetic, mercilessly decisive and draconian measures to increase self-discipline and discipline of the workers and peasants of Russia, to explain the inevitability of Russia's historical approach to liberation, patriotic, socialist war, in order to create everywhere and everywhere the organizations of the masses, tightly bound and with an iron unified will, organizations capable of united and selfless action both in everyday life and especially at critical moments in the life of the people - finally, for a comprehensive, systematic , universal education of the adult population, without distinction of sex, in military knowledge and military operations.

Convinced that a workers' revolution is steadily maturing in all the belligerent countries, preparing for the inevitable and complete defeat of imperialism, the congress declares that the socialist proletariat of Russia will support the fraternal revolutionary movement of the proletariat of all countries with all its strength and with all the means at its disposal.

The conclusion of a peace treaty is met with unanimous condemnation by all political forces in the country without exception. Even among the Bolsheviks themselves on the question of peace, in fact, there is a split approximately equally. Lenin's opponents, from the Left SRs to General A. I. Denikin, object in their speeches to his arguments about the impossibility of stopping the German offensive due to the final collapse of the army and instead propose to persuade the people to a mass uprising against the German-Austrian occupying forces. With a sharp condemnation of the world on March 5 (18), 1918, Patriarch Tikhon speaks, declaring that “whole regions inhabited by the Orthodox people are being torn away from us and surrendered to the will of an enemy alien in faith ... peace, giving our people and Russian land into heavy bondage, - such a world will not give the people the desired rest and tranquility.

Trotsky, in protest against the conclusion of the Brest Peace, resigns from the post of People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. On April 8, he receives a new appointment, to the post of People's Commissar of the Navy. The chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Lenin, called the concluded peace "unfortunate", and the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, Zinoviev, declared that "the entire structure now being erected by the German imperialists in an unhappy agreement is nothing more than a light wooden fence, which in the very short time will be mercilessly swept away by history" . Germany's relations with the Bolsheviks were not ideal from the start. From April 1918, the Soviet ambassador Joffe engaged in active revolutionary propaganda already in Germany itself, which ends with the November Revolution. The Germans, for their part, are consistently liquidating Soviet power in the Baltics and Ukraine, providing assistance to the "White Finns" and actively contributing to the formation of a center of the White movement on the Don.

The Entente powers perceive the concluded separate peace with hostility. On March 6, British troops landed in Murmansk. On March 15, the Entente declares non-recognition of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, on April 5, Japanese troops land in Vladivostok, and on August 2, British troops land in Arkhangelsk.

"Troops of the Veil"

After the conclusion of the Brest Peace, the Bolsheviks, starting on March 3, 1918, began to form the so-called "veil troops" along the demarcation line, numbering up to 11 infantry divisions. The "veil" system consisted of mobile detachments formed on a volunteer basis, and was divided into Northern and Western sectors, to which was added the Southern sector in the summer of 1918, which was finally transformed into regular troops in the fall of 1918 and renamed the front. For service in the “veil” detachments, former tsarist officers who came to these detachments under the influence of patriotic slogans of the fight against Germany were actively involved.

Dzerzhinsky's opinion that "by signing the conditions, we do not guarantee ourselves against new ultimatums", expressed by him at a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) on February 23, 1918, was justified to some extent. German troops advanced beyond the occupation zone provided for by the treaty, so that the demarcation line actually had to be moved: on April 22, the Germans occupied Simferopol, on May 1 Taganrog, on May 8 Rostov-on-Don.

The final advance of the Germans stops by June 1918 on the line Bataisk - Don - Seversky Donets - Degtevo - Osinovka - Novobelaya - Valuyki - Grushevka - Belgorod - Rylsk.

Vladimir hoped for himself only,
In the opinion of your common sense, strength and calculation.
And, knowing wisdom: “You can’t fall down a tree,
Until the ax cuts the roots,
I watched, not rejoicing, but indifferently
How they destroy each other without a mind,
As the forces melt, the stars of life go out,
And how empty their skinny pocket ....
Where will they go? To whom the princes bow,
But self-conceit hiding deep?
To the one who kept the truth without ringing
In themselves and people remembered whom.
Who did not climb to them, driven by greed,
But he didn’t let go when he came to him ....
Two years of trouble passed by
I had to do everything myself
But he strengthened his possessions,
Pereyaslavl and Osterets fortress.
At any time, an attack could be expected:
Though the prince is a neighbor, even though the Polovtsian is insolent.
The prince did not aspire to fly over the century,
He was the same as his whole family, but
With his thought he rose in it,
Which is destined to come true
By his labor, by patience not measured
And faith in its benefits for the earth,
And rejection of inter-princely filth,
That they couldn't handle it.
That Lyubech, lamented, everyone forgot,
And the oaths given there are just a sound,
That they swam along the stream of passions,
The princes do not care about Russia, but the chest.
In it, thoughts are new, once born,
Haven't let go completely.
And in it, by the will of the Most High, having established itself,
Carried into the minds of others widely ....
David beat Svyatopolk again,
But he, having washed his face, did not subside.
"Bring David" he did not perform
Order of princes. Again in their debt.
And I didn’t get the volost, but I wanted so much!
And he lost his son - he lies in the ground.
There was one possibility, though.
Gather the princes - let the congress resolve the dispute.
Horses rushed to all destinies,
The Grand Duke asked everyone to come,
Forgotten Lyubech became his example
And he resorted to that, thinking about success.
And in August, and on his tenth day,
Behind Tripol, six or seven versts,
In the village of Vitichev (princes with a detachment)
Agreed to the congress with the closest people.
Vladimir met the call with understanding,
The question has long been overdue.
Having mastered this distance in half a day (1),
He made it to the meeting point on time.
Almost everyone here was at the first congress:
Vladimir, Svyatopolk, Oleg, David (2),
And Rostislavich (3), most likely out of revenge
Svyatopolk, the way here was closed.
Volynets (4) came to them: “Why did you call?
Is there a complaint against me?
Vladimir answered: “Here I was told
That he himself asked us to take offense.
Now you are sitting, prince, with us together ...
Why don't you complain, brother David?
Say an insult, we will decide in honor,
But the name of who is guilty, name.
But the prince did not answer the brothers,
It was like he was taking water in his mouth.
They got up so that they would not wait in vain
And each of his squad stood up.
David came to the congress by his own will,
I did not dare to disobey and heeded the letter,
The call to come was written with love,
Like everyone else, not just him.
David was sitting, no one bothered,
Nobody let him in
They especially thought about the prince, about the outcast,
About all his confused fate.
Thinking, men were sent to him,
To speak in the name of the princes of their tale:
“The table of Vladimir, prince, was not given,
You threw a knife of discord between us.
This was not yet in the Russian lands,
But we will not close you yet,
Let's not do any other harm. Acceptable
Ostrog and Buzhsk for you, go there.
Prince Svyatopolk grants you Dubno
And Czartorysk, and to them Dorogobuzh
And this, prince, consider him a concession.
In addition, the hryvnia will be allocated for the needs
Vladimir and Oleg with David, brother,
Two hundred each for your family.
And your days, David, the earthly remnant,
Do not take care of the military."

Prince David retired to his domain,
Then the princes remembered Volodar:
“Alien,” Svyatopolk weaved (5) without hesitation, -
The brothers have taken it away and they are still threatening.”
Smart people were sent to Volodar:
“Prince, take brother Vasilko to you,
And the parish will be one for you, - they said, -
If you don't want to, we'll feed him.
And give out our smerds and serfs,
We won’t force it, we’ll bring strength,
Then both of you will be left with nothing
And where will you find shelter later?
But Volodar, having heard the ultimatum,
Flaming up, sent him to hell,
And in Terebovl he immediately gathered to his brother,
The messengers answered sharply: “I won’t give it back!
Not he, but Yaropolk gave me the parish,
And he put his brother in Terebovlya.
Never heard his voice before
When he did not spare Vasilka.
Ask Svyatopolk: “There is not enough blood
Did you get drunk, Herod, Vasilka?
But Rozhno field, so that he does not forget -
Let him go, let's get some more sides.
The Grand Duke seriously intended
With a squad to Peremyschl go again
And the rest of the princes intended
To attract this campaign, embarrassing.
Vladimir at that time was in Rostov,
I've been meaning to visit there for a long time.
For the prince, that land was not new,
I had to start with it sometime (6).
The messenger brought a challenge from Svyatopolk,
In vain he only drove the horses,
And the way there is dangerous and not close,
And the rivers are full of rain.
October in the edge of the forest and wild
For all sorts of surprises, a master,
Already the heat is leaving without a return
And most of the day is dark.
The Grand Duke called him to the campaign
Having joined, go to the Rostislavichs.
Vladimir was not ready to turn
Such. But how can war be prevented?
Prince Vladimir recanted, remembering
Recent Lyubech: “Prince, don’t be a fool!
Remember Svyatopolk. You risk again
One to stay. You wipe your eyes.
I will not, prince, with you in a wrong deed,
I kissed the cross with everyone together,
But how can I trust you now?
I was never jealous of cunning (7).
And I and everyone else - we remember
Your guilt before us, Vasilkom
And Volodar. All are equal before God
He will judge us apart.
Do not burn me with words. You will get tired.
My swords are faster than yours...
You are in Lyubech for a cross-kissing
He vowed not to cut the land again.
My soul was washed with sadness,
When I read, prince, your letter.
I only have bitter regrets
That again you take up your own.
Vladimir's answer is direct and sharp,
Cooled the brains of the great Syatopolk
And the word about swords is a weighty hint,
What sounded in the letter, the prince swallowed.
But then other plans sprouted in the mind,
The prince greedily flared up to Novograd
And remembered his former influence,
Which he himself lost.
It so happened that Novgorod and Kyiv,
Never separated from the century.
But at the same time, the connections are not simple.
There were even in the best years.
Novgorod was capricious and rich
And he lived according to his will,
But scary Svyatopolk is unpleasant,
That he is not subject to him now.
The city accepted princes, but only as a force
Able to protect the people in it,
But then he took up the ax and pitchfork
And he drove vzashey when they interfered with life.
So twenty-three winters ago
Prince Svyatopolk, having quarreled, left
From there. Lust for power and greed -
The main reasons to leave the table.
The interference of the princes was disliked
In the affairs of his trade and life.
The squad was kept and fed,
But if you don't like it - rear up!
The trade route lay from the Greeks to the Varangians
Through it in the north one.
The ships of all countries at the walls hoisted flags,
With a prefix called "Mr."
The treasury had a big profit
And Kyiv received a solid contribution.
And Svyatopolk began to come up with measures
Take back Zlatograd.
“But now Mstislav is sitting there, nephew,
To me than, having lured from there, to seduce,
So that Prince Vladimir succumbed to desire?
I agree to compensate everything with Volyn" -
So thought Svyatopolk, burning with a dream.
Palms, anticipating, rubbing,
When Vladimir, yielding, in the spring
Mstislav, son, was recalled to Kyiv.
But then the Novgorodians came running:
“We were ordered by those who sent us to say,
That we did not invite Svyatopolk
And they don't want a son.
But, even if your son has two heads,
Let him come - it's not a pity. Send.
We do not dare to contradict the will of the townspeople
And you, Svyatopolk, do not embitter us.
Mstislav was given to us by Vsevolod (8). Nursed.
And you, Prince Svyatopolk, left us.
With Mstislav, without you, we lived better,
With him, there were no new squabbles."
But Svyatopolk tried to argue with them,
He exhorted the messengers with promises,
And they stood against his will,
And he received their firm refusal.
Prince Mstislav returned to the forest distances,
Where he ruled, having established himself in the world,
There, from where they were seeing off, they were waiting ...
Where he came to court.
Behind the blue valleys and forests,
Behind the swampy swamps, in the wilderness
Veliky Novgorod stood for centuries
He lived peacefully and comfortably.
It is impossible to pass either the Polovtsian or the Lyakh,
Do not bring the enemy to another land;
On the distant approaches to it they will lie down.
So, - not knowing the ford, do not go.

______________________________
1. about 30 km from Pereyaslavl, plus a ferry
2. Chernigov, brother of Oleg
3. Volodar and Vasilko
4. Prince David Igorevich of Volhynia
5. spoke
6. at the age of 13 he was planted by his father on the Rostov table
7. followed
8. father of Vladimir Monomakh

• THE RISE OF THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT IN CHINA AFTER THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIALIST REVOLUTION
  • China at the beginning of modern times
  • Impact of the Great October Socialist Revolution on China. "May 4th Movement" 1919
    • Impact of the Great October Socialist Revolution on China. "May 4th Movement" 1919 - page 2
  • Beginning of Soviet-Chinese negotiations
  • Formation of the Communist Party of China
  • Strengthening imperialist expansion
  • Labor movement in 1922-1923 II Congress of the CCP
  • Activities of Sun Yat-sen. Preparation of a united national revolutionary front
  • III Congress of the CCP. First Congress of the Kuomintang. Building a united front
    • III Congress of the CCP. First Congress of the Kuomintang. Building a united front - page 2
  • Soviet-Chinese agreement 1924
  • situation in northern China. Shangtuan rebellion in Guangzhou. Feng Yu-hsiang's coup in Beijing
  • Workers' and peasants' movement in 1924 - early 1925 IV Congress of the CCP
    • Workers' and peasants' movement in 1924 - early 1925 IV Congress of the CCP - page 2
• REVOLUTION 1925-1927
  • "May 30 Movement". General strikes in Shanghai and Hong Kong
  • Completion of the unification of Guangdong. Strengthening the struggle within the united front
  • The Northern Expedition and the New Rise of the Revolution
  • The second stage of the Northern campaign. Revolts of the Shanghai proletariat
  • The counteroffensive of the imperialists and Chinese reaction. Coups in East and South China
  • Continuation of the revolution in Central China. 5th CPC Congress
  • Continuation of the Northern campaign. Workers' and Peasants' Movement in the Wuhan Region
  • The defeat of the revolution of 1925-1927 and its significance in the history of China
• ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GUOMINTANG REGIME. REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE IN CHINA UNDER THE SLOGAN OF SOVIETS (1927-1937)
  • The beginning of the Soviet movement (1927-1931)
    • The beginning of the Soviet movement (1927-1931) - page 2
  • Development of a new line of the CCP with the help of the Comintern. VI Congress of the CPC
  • The rise of the Kuomintang regime
  • Domestic and foreign policy of the Nanjing government in 1928-1931.
  • The revolutionary movement in China in 1928-1931.
    • The revolutionary movement in China in 1928-1931. - page 2
  • Left-adventurist bias in the CCP (1930)
  • Repulse by the Red Army of three campaigns of the Kuomintang
  • Seizure of Northeast China by Japanese imperialism
  • Political and economic situation in China in 1931-1935. Politics of the Nanjing government
    • Political and economic situation in China in 1931-1935. Politics of the Nanjing government - page 2
  • Chinese People's Liberation and Revolutionary Struggle
    • Chinese People's Liberation and Revolutionary Struggle - page 2
  • The struggle of the Red Army against the fourth campaign of the Kuomintang. Improving the tactics of the fight
  • Fifth campaign of the Kuomintang. Abandonment of the territory of the Central Soviet Region by units of the 1st Front
  • Strengthening Japanese aggression in North China. Rise of the National Liberation Struggle of the Chinese People
  • VII Congress of the Comintern and the turn in the policy of the CCP
    • The 7th Congress of the Comintern and the turn in CCP policy - page 2
• NATIONAL LIBERATION WAR AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM (1937-1945)
  • The offensive of the Japanese troops. Deployment of the armed resistance of the Chinese people (July 1937 - October 1938)
  • Establishment of an anti-Japanese united national front
  • Resistance forces behind the lines of the Japanese invaders and the creation of the Liberated Areas
  • The international position and foreign policy of China at the beginning of the anti-Japanese war
  • Internal political struggle in China
  • Strategic lull in the Chinese theater of operations. Decomposition of the Kuomintang regime and the growth of the revolutionary forces of the Chinese people (November 1938 - February 1944)
  • Japan's colonial policy in China
  • Strengthening reactionary tendencies in the Kuomintang. Escalation of relations between the CCP and the Kuomintang
  • Features of the development of the CPC during the war with Japan
  • Final stage of the anti-Japanese war (March 1944 – September 1945)
    • The final stage of the anti-Japanese war (March 1944 - September 1945) - page 2
  • The entry of the Soviet Union into the war against imperialist Japan. End of the Chinese People's Liberation War
• CHINA AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR. CIVIL WAR 1946-1949 AND THE VICTORY OF THE PEOPLE'S REVOLUTION
  • Negotiations between the CCP and the Kuomintang (August 1945 – June 1946)
  • Negotiations for the unification and democratization of China
  • The brewing of an all-Chinese civil war. Decision of the CPC Central Committee of May 4, 1946
  • Civil war on a global scale. Offensive of the Kuomintang troops (July 1946 - June 1947)
  • The Political and Economic Crisis of the Kuomintang Regime
  • Democratic Movement in the Kuomintang Rear
  • Fortification of the Liberated Areas
  • Offensive of the People's Liberation Army. Victory of the People's Revolution in China (July 1947 - September 1949)
  • Political and Economic Program of the CCP
  • CCP policy in cities. relation to the working class. Formation of a united people's democratic front
  • Decisive battles in late 1948 - early 1949 Peace negotiations. Forcing the Yangtze
  • The victory of the people's revolution. Proclamation of the People's Republic of China
• CHINA'S TRANSITION TO THE PATH OF SOCIALIST DEVELOPMENT (1949-1957)
  • Recovery period. Completion of the bourgeois-democratic transformations of 1949-1952.
    • Recovery period. Completion of the bourgeois-democratic transformations of 1949-1952. - page 2
  • Foreign policy. Relations with the USSR
  • agrarian reform
  • Economic recovery. Class struggle in the city
  • First five years. Start of socialist industrialization (1953-1957)
  • Assistance of the Soviet Union in the socialist construction of the PRC
  • "The Case of Gao Gang - Zhao Shu-shih" and the "Campaign Against the Counter-Revolution"
  • Peasant cooperation. Nationalization of private industry and trade. Mao Zedong's Attempt to Revise the General Line of the CCP
    • Peasant cooperation. Nationalization of private industry and trade. Mao Zedong's Attempt to Revise the General Line of the CCP - page 2
  • "Movement for the correction of style in the party" and "the struggle against the bourgeois right-wing elements"
  • Results of the first five-year plan
• CPC LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN POLICY
  • "Great Leap Forward" (1958-1960)
  • Meeting in Beidaihe. "Great Leap". "Communization" of the village
    • Meeting in Beidaihe. "Great Leap". "Communization" of the village - page 2
  • Foreign policy
  • Speech against Mao's course at the 8th Plenum of the CPC Central Committee
  • Period of "settlement" (1961-1965). The actual rejection of the "jump" policy. 9th Plenum of the CPC Central Committee
  • Dissatisfaction with the policies of the Mao group
  • Struggle in the CCP over China's development path
    • The CCP's Struggle Regarding China's Development Path - Page 2
  • The National Economy of the People's Republic of China in 1963-1965.
  • The splitting activities of the Mao Zedong group in the socialist community and the world communist movement
  • Expanded attack on the CCP during the "cultural revolution" (1965-1969)
    • Expanded attack on the CPC during the "cultural revolution" (1965-1969) - page 2
  • Rampant Maoist terror ("Hongweibing")
  • The course of "seizure of power" and "unification of the three parties." Creation of revolutionary committees. The role of the army
  • Preparations for the establishment of the Maoist Party
  • 9th Congress of the Communist Party of China
  • Strengthening the anti-Soviet activities of the Mao Zedong group during the "cultural revolution"
• CONCLUSION

8th Congress of the Communist Party of China

The 8th Congress of the CPC was held in September 1956, 11 years after the 7th Congress. More than 1000 delegates took part in its work. The 8th Congress of the CPC was a major event in the life of the Chinese people. He summarized the experience of the activities of the leading force of the working masses of the PRC over a long period, when the bourgeois-democratic revolution triumphed in China and the first successes were achieved in the development of the country along the path of socialism.

By the 8th Congress, the CCP came as the largest political party, with 10,730,000 members and candidates. The working stratum in it increased to 14%, but the CPC continued to be predominantly peasant in its composition: by 1956, the peasants made up 69% of its population, the intelligentsia - 12%, and others - 5%. Such composition could not but affect its ideology, politics and practical work. As the events of 1955-1956 showed, petty-bourgeois, nationalist tendencies in the CCP continued to exist and develop, and sometimes even prevailed over the proletarian, internationalist tendencies.

The further fate of socialism in China depended on the final result of the struggle between these two tendencies. The outcome of this struggle could not but affect the interests of the entire international communist movement, the fraternal parties that sent their representatives to the Eighth Congress of the CPC.

The correlation of forces in the CPC and the country, the situation in the world communist movement then developed in such a way that it allowed the healthy forces of the party to gain the upper hand at the congress, capable of correctly solving the most complex theoretical and practical problems of building socialism in a vast underdeveloped country, resisting the powerful pressure of the petty-bourgeois elements and Great Han chauvinism .

Despite the environment of Mao Zedong's personality cult created in previous years, the congress was dominated by the desire to objectively understand past achievements and mistakes, soberly assess the existing opportunities and difficulties, and determine the prospects for the country's development on a scientific basis.

In the main reports and speeches of many delegates, as well as in the decisions of the congress, there was a call for "modesty and prudence", for the deployment of criticism and self-criticism, "arrogance, arbitrariness, rudeness, conceit, unwillingness to consult with the masses, imposing one's opinion on others, defending mistakes in order to maintain their authority." This approach enabled the congress to adopt decisions that realistically reflected the objective domestic and international conditions for building socialism in China.

The Eighth Congress heard and discussed the political report of the CPC Central Committee (Liu Shao-chi), reports on amendments to the Party Rules (Deng Xiaoping), and proposals for the Second Five-Year Plan for the Development of the National Economy (Chou Enlai), adopted appropriate decisions and elected the leading bodies of the Party. The main thing in the decisions of the congress was that it confirmed the correctness of the general line of the CPC in 1952 and thereby actually condemned Mao Zedong's attempts to revise it.

At the same time, the congress did not openly criticize the measures taken in 1955-1956. under pressure from Mao Zedong and going against the general line. In essence, the congress was presented by the Mao Zedong group with a fait accompli. Pointing to the major successes achieved, the resolution allowed for a reassessment of the results of transformations in the economic system of the PRC. Thus, it was said that in China "the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie has been basically resolved and a socialist social system has been created."

The congress put forward the socialist industrialization of the country as the main goal of the economic policy of the CPC and the state in order to create the necessary material base for the technical reconstruction of the national economy and improve the living standards of the people. At the same time, the congress, considering the Chinese economy as part of the unified economic system of the world socialist community, pointed out that the development of industry in the PRC will be of great importance "for strengthening cooperation between the countries of the socialist camp, for promoting the general economic upswing of all socialist countries."

The congress gave direction to the comprehensive development of the national economy in order to prevent unjustified forcing the development of some sectors to the detriment of others, the emergence of dangerous disproportions and the breakdown of the country's economic organism. Confirming the course towards the predominant development of heavy industry, the congress at the same time emphasized the need to "actively develop light industry", transport, trade, and also "to make even more efforts to develop agriculture", to ensure "a gradual improvement in the life of the people."

The congress devoted much attention to the development of all areas of culture, education and public health. Major measures were envisaged to eliminate illiteracy. Of fundamental importance were the instructions of the congress that, along with the intensified development of domestic science and technical thought, "it is necessary to widely apply the new successes in science and technology of the Soviet Union, the countries of people's democracy and other countries of the world."

The congress's warning that "coercion and willfulness in relation to science and art by means of administrative measures is erroneous" was also very topical. Emphasizing the need to continue to criticize feudal and bourgeois ideology, the congress at the same time noted that it was necessary to "inherit and absorb everything useful from the past culture of our country and the culture of foreign countries."

All these important provisions of the economic and cultural policy of the CPC were specified in the proposals adopted by the congress for the second five-year plan for the development of the national economy of the PRC. The plan was, in particular, to double industrial production compared to the targets of the first five-year plan for 1957. As a whole, the targets of the second five-year plan were sufficiently substantiated economically and corresponded to the real conditions and level of economic development of the PRC. The implementation of the broad economic program developed by the congress was supposed to be carried out by using all the internal resources of China in combination with the help of the Soviet Union and other developed socialist countries.

As stated in the resolution, thanks to this, China was able to rapidly develop the productive forces of its country. At the same time, the congress considered it necessary to specifically warn the CPC and the people about the danger of a "leftist" adventurist overestimation of the country's real capabilities: , we must not deviate from the correct balance in the development of the economy. If this situation is not taken into account and the rates set too high, then, on the contrary, this will hinder the development of the economy and the fulfillment of the plan and will be an adventurous mistake. The events of 1958 and subsequent years fully confirmed the correctness and timeliness of this warning.

Thus, on the fundamental economic questions, the congress took a position directly opposite to the adventurist course of the group

Mao Zedong countered this course with a scientifically substantiated, well-thought-out, realistic program for building socialism in China.

The same applies to the decisions of the congress on issues of state and party building and foreign policy. The problems of the further strengthening of the people's democratic system and the development of socialist democracy occupied a significant place in the work of the congress. The congress came to the conclusion that since the socialist revolution in China was “basically already completed,” the economic, organizational and educational functions of the state came to the fore, although the functions of suppressing the resistance of the exploiting classes and defending the country continued to be preserved.

Under these conditions, the further expansion of socialist democracy assumed even greater significance. In the reports and speeches of the delegates at the congress, deep concern was expressed at the widespread occurrence in China of such phenomena alien to the socialist system as bureaucracy, bare administration, arbitrariness and lawlessness. The congress pointed to the need to strengthen control over the activities of state bodies by party organizations, people's assemblies, representatives, and also the broad working masses.

Major shortcomings were revealed in the work of state and party organs in the national regions. Great Khan chauvinism represented a particular danger in the national question. “The Party,” the new statute of the CPC said, “opposes any chauvinistic deviation, both of a large nationality and of local nationalism, which hinder the rallying of nationalities; special attention should be paid to the prevention and overcoming of great Han chauvinism among party members and employees of state institutions of the Han nationality.

Questions of the international situation were considered at the congress.

In the reports of Liu Shao-chi on the work of the CPC Central Committee, Chou Enlai on the proposals for the second five-year plan for the development of the national economy, in the speeches of Peng Te-huai and other delegates, and in the documents adopted by the congress, the great importance of assistance to China from the USSR and other socialist countries. Mao Zedong said the same in his opening speech. The resolution of the congress obliged the CPC Central Committee to "continue to strengthen and intensify the eternal and indestructible fraternal friendship with the great Soviet Union and all countries of people's democracy."

The congress reaffirmed the PRC's foreign policy course, based on strengthening the unity of the countries of the socialist community, resolutely fighting for peaceful coexistence and against the imperialist policy of aggression and war. The congress's concern for strengthening the international solidarity of communists was reflected in the new statute, which stated that the CPC "strengthens the solidarity of proletarian internationalism, studies the experience of the world communist movement, supports the struggle of communists, progressive elements and the working people of all countries, aimed at ensuring the progress of mankind, educates its members in the spirit of internationalism, expressed in the call "Proletarians of all countries, unite!".

A distinctive feature of the Eighth Congress of the CPC was its special attention to questions of party life and party building, to overcoming and preventing dangerous petty-bourgeois, nationalist tendencies in the party. The CCP enjoyed great prestige among the masses. There were party organizations in all corners of the country, they worked in the midst of the people and were connected with them by close ties. In the struggle to implement the general line of the CPC, the ideological level of the Party has risen, its ranks have grown, and previously weak ties with the working class have been strengthened. At the same time, strong non-proletarian tendencies in the party were revealed at the congress, which served as a great brake on its work. The main danger to the CPC was still the pressure of the petty-bourgeois elements.

The cult of personality of Mao Zedong caused serious damage. The report on the changes in the CCP statute stated that “the cult of personality as a social phenomenon had a long history, and it could not but find some reflection in our party and public life. Our task is to resolutely continue to carry out the policy of the Central Committee, directed against the protrusion of the personality, against its glorification.

The congress withdrew from the statutes of the CPC the mention of the "ideas of Mao Zedong" as the ideological basis of the party. The new statute of the CCP stated: “The Communist Party is guided by Marxism-Leninism in its activities. Only Marxism-Leninism correctly explains the patterns of development of society, correctly indicates the paths for building socialism and communism.

The congress considered the systematic violation of the deadlines for convening party congresses and plenums of the Central Committee to be one of the biggest shortcomings in the inner-party life of the CPC. In the 11 years between the 7th and 8th Congresses, only six plenums of the CPC Central Committee took place. A similar situation has arisen in local party organizations. As a result of these gross violations of intra-Party democracy, clerical-bureaucratic methods of leadership, administration, inflation of the apparatus, arrogance, suppression of criticism and persecution for it have become widespread.

However, criticism of shortcomings in the life of the party, connected with the personality cult of Mao Zedong, was softened at the congress by a number of reservations and justifications. Thus, mentioning in the report on changes in the party statutes about the violation of the deadline for convening party congresses, Deng Xiaoping immediately made the reservation that "the lack of regular convening of party congresses did not have a serious impact on internal party democracy." At the same time, he referred to a number of meetings, which, as he said, "to a large extent played the role of party conferences and even congresses." Such a formulation of the question weakened the criticism of violations of the Leninist norms of party life.

Elsewhere in the report, it was noted that the CCP "rejects the deification of the individual, which is alien to it." And as evidence, they cited the adoption by the 2nd plenum of the CPC Central Committee (March 1949) “at the suggestion of Comrade Mao Zedong” of a decision that forbade holding anniversaries of party leaders, assigning their names to localities, streets and enterprises. Criticism of Mao Zedong's subjectivism was muted, weakened by the references of a number of speakers to his "wise leadership", and was not supported by a deep analysis of the causes of mistakes and negative phenomena.

The duality and inconsistency in raising the question of the cult of personality was associated with the great influence of Mao Zedong in the Party and the country, with the unwillingness or inability of other CCP leaders to speak openly and decisively. Nevertheless, the general direction of the work and decisions of the Eighth Congress of the CPC contributed to limiting the spread of the personality cult of Mao Zedong.

The new charter of the CPC, adopted by the congress, was called upon to serve the same purpose. The charter emphasized the need for steadfast adherence to the principle of democratic centralism and the broad development of inner-party democracy, criticism and self-criticism. The charter attached particular importance to the introduction of a system of collective leadership in all Party bodies.

In addition, new provisions were introduced into the charter, which increased the requirements for party members and at the same time expanded their rights. Serious attention in the statute was given to maintaining the purity of the ranks of the party, raising the ideological and theoretical level of all its members, and strict observance by all members of the party, regardless of their position, of state laws and norms of communist morality.

Consistent implementation of the decisions of the Eighth Congress of the CPC could ensure China's further advance along the path of socialism, opened up new opportunities for the growth of the country's productive forces by taking advantage of the socialist forms of economy and, on this basis, improving the material situation of the broad masses of working people.

But contrary to the decisions of the Eighth Congress of the CPC, the Mao Zedong group did not abandon its plans to replace Marxism-Leninism with Maoism, proletarian internationalism with chauvinism, the scientifically substantiated general line of the Party with voluntaristic attempts to jump over the necessary stages of socialist construction.

Libmonster ID: RU-8395

On December 22, 1920, the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets opened at the Bolshoi Theater in Moscow - the first Congress of Soviets to meet after the end of the Civil War. A month before its opening, the Red Army defeated the last counter-revolutionary army that threatened Soviet Russia - the army of Wrangel. Only a few months have passed since the end of the war with Poland.

The victorious conclusion of the civil war and the strengthening of Soviet power significantly improved the internal and external position of Soviet Russia. The blockade was broken: some capitalist states concluded peace treaties with Russia, trade negotiations were conducted with others. “How long ago,” said M. I. Kalinin, opening the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets, “when the Western European great-power governments arrogantly treated Soviet Russia, and now these governments are seeking rapprochement with Soviet Russia. Our internal position - this can be boldly and definitely to say - noticeably strengthened" 1 .

But the country was completely ruined.

Seven years of imperialist and civil war led to severe economic ruin. By the end of 1920, all agricultural output amounted to no more than half of the already low pre-war level. The crop failure that took place in many provinces, a sharp reduction in sown areas and livestock, famine in a number of regions of the country - all this led the peasant economy to a severe crisis. Industry was also in a state of decline. The output of large-scale industry was almost seven times less than before the war. The breakdown in transport, the fuel crisis, the acute shortage of industrial goods, the difficult situation of the working class - such were the results of the imperialist war and the years of criminal management by the White Guards and interventionists in certain regions of the country.

The possibility of establishing a lasting peace, of transitioning to peaceful socialist construction, began to be finally determined only towards the end of 1920. Speaking on November 7, 1920 at a solemn meeting of the Baku Soviet, I. V. Stalin said: “Now there is reason to believe that, at least for a short period of time, Soviet Russia will receive a significant respite in order to use all the energy of its tireless workers. .. direct on the path of economic development, put factories, agriculture, food agencies on their feet" 2 .

The Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets outlined the first plan for peaceful construction and gave the first directives for its implementation. This is its historical significance.

The pre-Congress days, like the days of the congress, passed in an atmosphere of great upsurge in the activity of the masses in the country: pre-election meetings were held in factories and villages, congresses of local soviets were held,

1 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, p. 2. M. 1921.

2 I. Stalin. Op. Vol. 4, p. 388.

rallies, conferences, reports were held. The entire Soviet press, both central and local, in preparation for the congress since November 1920 widely discussed various aspects of the life of Soviet Russia.

The attitude of the masses towards the congress is clearly illustrated by the following note, placed in the bulletin of the congress: "Go to the county town" and any meeting, hang around in the Party and non-Party masses, "and after complaints about red tape and disorder, you can hear:" Here the Congress of Soviets will set things right and correct shortcomings, now the ruin is over... So much is connected with the congress, so great are the hopes of the provinces for its creative forces" 3 .

A deep understanding of the historical significance of the congress found expression in the widespread desire of the broad masses of working people to take an active part in its work. One of the striking examples of this desire was the following appeal of the Naumov volost organization of the RCP (b) and the Naumov volost executive committee to the leading party bodies of Bashkiria. “We express our ardent desire to be at the All-Russian Congress of Soviets from our poorly developed peasant cell of the RCP (b) ... We ask that our Party member be given the opportunity to hear the voice of the All-Russian Entry in person, at least once. We send our devoted communist ... if not with a decisive, then at least with an advisory vote, or as guests. We consider it of great importance to get acquainted with the opinion of the congress, and this will also be a guide for us and our closest comrades "4.

The deep ties between the congress and the masses found expression in the most active participation of the working people in the preparation and determination of the questions which the congress was to decide. At meetings throughout the country during November and December, workers', peasants', and Red Army meetings discussed the agenda of the congress, and worked out orders relating to the immediate tasks facing the country in connection with the transition from war to peace. The Red Army soldiers of the 52nd Rifle Division, who stormed Perekop in November, when discussing the agenda of the congress, proposed to their delegate to defend the following provisions at the congress: "Restore transport, industry and coal mining, help the peasants to raise agricultural production, ensure the strengthening and preservation of the combat capability of the Red Army" 5. The soldiers of the 1st Infantry Division, addressing the congress, expressed their confidence that it "would approve the law of land use, establish a single economic apparatus of the republic, outline a plan for raising industry and recreating transport" 6 .

Many organizations and individuals sent projects that, in their opinion, should have helped in the development of measures to eliminate the devastation in the country and in the construction of communism. The broad expression of the will of the masses was taken into account both in determining the tasks that were to be solved and discussed at the congress, and in the decisions adopted by the congress.

The domestic and international situation that developed at the end of 1920 determined the nature of the congress agenda and the style of its work. The congress was held in a purely businesslike atmosphere. The agenda included the following reports and messages: a report by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars on foreign and domestic policy, a report on the state of industry and measures for its restoration, on the electrification of Russia, on agriculture.

3 Bulletin of the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets N 3, 1920.

4 Central State Archive of the October Revolution (TsGAOR), f. 1235, op. 11, d. 54, l. 85. The request of the Naumovites was granted: their representative went to the congress as a guest.

5 Ibid., d. 3, l. 194.

6 Ibid., d. 6, l. 44.

about transport, about improving the work of Soviet organs and about fighting bureaucracy, about reducing the army, about establishing the Order of the Red Banner of Labor.

At the congress, "greetings of the Red Army and the Red Navy and appeals were announced: to the workers of the railway and water transport; to all the working people of Russia; to all citizens of the RSFSR languishing in captivity and interned in camps; to the French proletariat, in connection with the death of the best his wrestlers: Raymond Lefebvre, Lepeti and Verger.

After a special report, the congress approved the union treaty between the RSFSR and Soviet Ukraine. A special decision was made on the issue of involving women in economic construction 7 . At the end of the congress, a new composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the 8th convocation was elected.

What was new in the work of the Eighth Congress, compared with previous congresses, was noted in the congress bulletin with the following words: “These were congresses of a fighting moment. The center played the main role in them. They listened to extensive reports ... and adopted decisions almost immediately, without much discussion, unanimously ... It is understandable: everyone understood - Krasnov, Kaledin, Denikin at the gate. The Congress must work in a military way. New (VIII. - E.P.) the congress embodies the beginning of a new era - the close reflection of the masses on the construction of their Soviet communist home ... the working masses in the person of their deputies in Moscow ... reflect, discuss about their great all-Russian labor economy "8.

The VIII All-Russian Congress differed from the congress of the war years in that delegates from all areas of the Soviet country liberated from the White Guards and interventionists had the opportunity to take part in its work. Opening the congress, MI Kalinin said: "We can see in this hall today ... representatives of the most honest citizens of all our vast Russia." Here, he said, for the first time there are representatives of the far north, "the Don Cossacks, the northern Caucasus, the Kuban and the Crimea just liberated from the White Guard yoke", representatives of the new fraternal republics - Azerbaijan and Armenia 10 . The congress was attended by Russians, Georgians, Ukrainians, Latvians, Jews, Poles, Tatars, Belarusians, Armenians, Kirghiz, Tajiks, Bashkirs, Uzbeks and representatives of other nationalities of the Soviet state.

The VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets was more numerous than any of the previous congresses of Soviets that took place after October 1917: it was attended by 1685 delegates with a decisive and 805 with an advisory vote.

The congress brought together the best people of the country, who had come forward from the very midst of the masses. They were mostly young, energetic people who had grown up and strengthened during the harsh years of the revolution and civil war. 16 delegates (0.7%) were under the age of 20, 1058 (42.5%) were between 20 and 30, 1099 (44.2%) were between 30 and 40 and 261 (10.6%) - 41 people, or 1.6%, were present at the age of 40 to 50, over the age of 50. 94.4% of the delegates were communists and sympathizers. Only 8 Bundists, 8 Mensheviks, 2 "Left" Socialist-Revolutionaries, 1 anarchist-communist and 1 anarchist-universalist were present at the congress from other parties.

7th All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, pp. 263 - 267.

8 Bulletin of the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets N 4 for 1920.

9 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, p. 1.

11 Ibid., p. 291.

12 However, these few representatives from other parties were not elected delegates to the congress, but ended up at its meetings after long and annoying harassment. Thus, the Central Bureau of the Minority Party of S. -R. applied to the Presidium of the CEC

The work of the congress was held under the leadership of the Lenin-Stalin party. All the most important questions were worked out and proposed to the Congress on behalf of the Party. All the most important reports were previously discussed in detail at the Bolshevik faction, which met regularly throughout the entire work of the congress. The Bolshevik faction discussed and adopted decisions on the following issues: on development measures and assistance to agriculture; NCPC report; union treaty with Ukraine; an appeal to all the working people of Russia; approval of the list of candidates for the All-Russian Central Executive Committee; a report on the changes made to the draft decisions; report of the food section; report of the fuel commission and report on the work of the commission for drawing up lists of candidates for members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee 13 .

The issues considered by the congress are divided into two clearly defined groups: summing up the results of the ended period of the civil war and developing measures to restore the national economy and transfer the state and economic apparatuses to a peaceful track.

In his report, V. I. Lenin summed up the results of the civil war and gave an analysis of the internal and international situation in Russia by the end of 1920, outlining a grandiose plan for switching the country to a peaceful footing. Lenin outlined a plan for the restoration and further development of industry, transport, and agriculture, and determined the tasks of restructuring and strengthening the economic and Soviet apparatuses. The congress delegates unanimously adopted the following resolution on Lenin's report: "Having heard and discussed the report of the Workers' and Peasants' Government, the 8th All-Russian Congress of Soviets fully approves the activity of its government."

Summing up the results of the ended period of the civil war, the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets in its address "To all the working people of Russia" wrote: the congress "considers it its duty to pay gratitude for the merits of all who, with their sweat and blood, hard work and patience, courage and self-sacrifice for the common cause contributed to the victory... Comrade workers!The three years of the Revolution were times of greatest suffering and need for you... By preparing arms and clothing for the Red Front, giving everything for it, you ensured victory... Toilers of the earth, comrade peasants! the army could not have won, the workers of the cities would have died of starvation, industry would have died out in the country if your surplus grain had not been handed over to the workers' and peasants' state ... The working peasantry had done its duty." The appeal ended with an appeal: "Three or four more years and there will be no undressed and undressed in the republic. Five more years, and we will finally heal the wounds inflicted by the war on our economy. To work, Workers 'and Peasants' Russia!" 16 .

with a special letter: "At the forthcoming VIII Congress of Soviets, we ask five representatives of the Central Bureau of the Minority of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party to grant the right of an advisory vote" (TsGAOR, f. 1235, op. 11, file 62, fol. 46). On the basis of similar repeated harassment, the Central Committee of the Bund (ibid., fol. 48) and the Central Committee of the Mensheviks (ibid., fol. 58) won seats at the congress. Once at the congress, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries tried to launch anti-Soviet agitation. They bombarded the congress with declarations, anti-Soviet draft resolutions, statements and protests. But the congress delegates greeted all these tricks of the Danes and Volsky with indignation and ridicule. “Volsky, where is Kolchak?” they angrily shouted to the Socialist-Revolutionary Volsky during his speech, recalling the connection between the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Kolchak. A sharp rebuke to the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks was given by Lenin in his concluding speech,

13 TsGAOR, f. 1235, op. 11, d. 45, ll. 20, 60, 66, 67, 75, 80, 81, 85.

14 See Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, pp. 24 - 48. Ed. 3rd.

15th All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 263.

16 Ibid., pp. 264-265.

The congress accepted the greetings of the Red Army and the Red Navy: "In the very first minutes of its work, the 8th All-Russian Congress of Soviets ... sends its enthusiastic fraternal greetings to the revolutionary Red Army for its courage, perseverance and will to win, unprecedented in the world, for great sacrifices" 17 . The congress called on the Red Army soldiers "to a united, no less heroic, joint struggle of all on the labor front to organize a new victory over devastation and famine" 18 .

The congress approved the government's report on the reduction of the army and navy - an act that marked the organizational measures for the transition to peaceful construction. The report stated that, based on the actual conditions of transport and the necessary number of armed forces for a solid defense of the republic, the Council of Labor and Defense expects, having begun the demobilization of older ages, to reduce the army by the middle of 1921 approximately by half. However, having begun to reduce the army, the government at the same time considers it necessary, it was written in a message approved by the congress, "to take all measures to ensure that the Red Army is fully provided with all the material means necessary for its existence, training and education, and that its military training and political education were carried out with the necessary energy and without hindrance" 20 . Regarding the issues of demobilization, Lenin in his report to the congress noted: "We must, by all means, maintain our Red Army in all combat readiness and strengthen its combat capability. This, of course, will not be hindered by the release of a certain part of the army and its rapid demobilization" 21 .

Summing up the results of the ended battles, the congress took up the issues of restoring the national economy. In his speeches at the congress, V. I. Lenin emphasized with particular persistence that economic problems, "the economic front is now being advanced before us again and again, as the most important and as the main one."

A clear definition of the tasks of the party and the entire Soviet people in the new post-war conditions was given somewhat later by I. V. Stalin in his speech at the general meeting of the Tiflis organization of communists on June 6, 1921. If during the war years, said I. V. Stalin, the Soviet republics acted under the general slogan "everything for the war", then "now, when we have entered a new period of economic development, when we have switched from war to peaceful work, the old slogan "everything for the war" is naturally replaced by the new slogan "everything for the national economy." This new period, - continued J. V. Stalin, - obliges the communists to throw all their forces on the economic front, in industry, agriculture, food business, in the transport business, etc. For without this there is no way to overcome the economic devastation" 23 .

The main decisive Even, which determined the rise of all branches of the national economy, was the restoration and development of the destroyed agriculture of the country. Lenin paid great attention to this issue in his report on December 22, and also devoted to it

17 Ibid., p. 263.

19 Ibid., p. 284. By order of the Revolutionary Military Council, on December 11, 1920, the demobilization of all Red Army soldiers before the birth of 1885 began. The next three ages are 1886 - 1888. births, the dismissal of which was carried out in the second place, formed a labor army before their demobilization. During the period of demobilization of the Red Army soldiers of the second stage, the following three ages were enrolled in the labor army. In this order, by the spring or summer of 1921, it was supposed to complete the dismissal on indefinite leave of all Red Army soldiers until 1896 born.

20 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, p. 285.

21 Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 26.

22 Ibid., p. 31.

23 I. Stalin. Op. Vol. 5, p. 89.

special speech at the Bolshevik faction on 24 December. Particular difficulties in the revival of agriculture were caused not only by the fact that its level had fallen extremely low, but also by the fact that the work to restore agriculture had to be carried out through the many millions of petty-bourgeois and scattered masses of the individual peasantry. And the rise of the country's industry was completely impossible without the restoration of its agrarian base: "Without the practical mass improvement of the economy of the small peasantry, there is no salvation for us: without this base, no economic construction is possible, and any great plans are nothing," emphasized V. And Lenin at the Eighth All - Russian Congress of Soviets 24 . Lenin's assessment of the state of the peasant economy and the paths he outlined for its development found a deep response among the peasantry. Thus, one of the peasants of the Ryazan province wrote about his impressions of Lenin’s speech at the congress: “As a non-party member, Comrade Lenin’s speech satisfies me especially because Comrade Lenin, although he himself is not a peasant, understands the soul of peasant construction, and that in this respect it is in no way at odds with my peasant understanding.

The congress adopted the law "On Measures for the Strengthening and Development of Peasant Agriculture", previously published on December 14, 1920. By creating this bill, the party and the government took the path of developing specific measures to increase productivity and expand sown areas. The law, designed to prepare and conduct the sowing campaign of 1921, proceeded from the fact that, if successful, the planned measures in accordance with the experience gained would be applied in the future.

Speaking at the congress against the projectors who put forward declarative, broadcast projects either for the immediate building of socialism in the countryside through state farms or for the immediate collectivization of agriculture, Lenin pointed out that in the specific conditions of 1920-1921. in the matter of the restoration of agriculture, one must rely on the individual peasant: “He is like that and will not be different in the near future ... From general reasoning, we must move on to how to take the first and practical step without fail this spring and in no case later, and only such a formulation of the question will be business-like" 26 .

The main idea in the development of the law "On measures to strengthen and develop peasant agriculture" was the idea of ​​transferring the methods of state regulation from the field of industrial production to the field of small-scale peasant farming. If during the years of the Civil War the state could regulate only the procurement of agricultural products through the surplus appropriation, then it approached the regulation of agricultural production, setting specific tasks for agriculture: to cultivate and sow certain sown areas; carry out minimum agronomic measures; ensure a certain yield. In turn, the state assumed a number of obligations to organize assistance to the peasantry in the sowing campaign: "Recognizing agriculture as the most important branch of the economy of the Republic, imposing on all organs of Soviet power the duty of enhanced comprehensive assistance to peasant agriculture, the worker-peasant government announces at the same time time, the correct conduct of agricultural economy is the great state duty of the peasant population" 27 .

Undertaking to render assistance to the peasant economy with living and dead inventory, the establishment of repair shops, rental and

24 Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 38.

25 TsGAOR, f. 1235, op. II, d. 3, l. 229.

26 Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 55.

27 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 267.

grain cleaning stations, seed materials, fertilizers, instructions from agronomists, etc., the state at the same time demanded from all peasants the complete sowing of fields on the instructions of the state and their correct cultivation, following the example of the most diligent farms of the poor and middle peasants. Thus, for the first time, the task of regulating the individual peasant economy by the state was posed; for the first time, the state took into its own hands the provision of production assistance to the peasantry.

Assessing the bill and the tasks of the congress in the field of raising agriculture, M. I. Kalinin wrote in the article "Tasks of the Eighth Congress" that the congress raised a new question, never before raised, "this is the development of agricultural production and assistance to the peasant economy. This is of great importance a step that expresses the intention of the Soviet government to approach the peasantry with economic measures as soon as possible.In this sense, the congress faces one of the most difficult tasks - to be able to find those forms of approach of the Soviet government to the peasant economy that would make it possible to raise it to such height, so that the state can give it certain production tasks and so that the measures outlined by the congress are not only useful to the state, but also beneficial to the peasant economy.

The exceptional importance of the restoration of agriculture for the entire economy of the country required the speedy adoption and implementation of the law "On measures to strengthen and develop peasant agriculture." “We tried in S.N.K.,” V.I. Lenin said at the congress, “as soon as possible to give this bill the most prepared forms so that the Congress of Soviets ... has time to make a final decision. We are in danger of being late to carry out this campaign on the spot " thirty .

After the draft law was heard at the plenary session of the congress, it was discussed in detail and in detail at the special land section at the evening session on December 25. Up to 60 people signed up for the debate, the whole discussion took place with a lot of activity of the participants. For a specific revision of sections of the law, taking into account local characteristics, the section, but at the suggestion of Lenin, was divided into 11 commissions, in accordance with the agricultural economic regions of the country. These commissions included local workers from the districts. To agree on the commission's proposals, the conciliation commission worked all day on December 26, which achieved complete unanimity on all points of the project, except for the question of the bonus system for individual farms and agricultural collectives. On December 27, the question of the law was discussed at the Bolshevik faction, to the meeting of which non-party peasants were invited - delegates to the congress. Thus, only after a long discussion, the law was finally adopted by the VIII Congress.

What are the main provisions of the law "On Measures for the Strengthening and Development of Peasant Agriculture"? In his speeches at the congress, Lenin called for concentrating all efforts on the most urgent: on collecting the required amount of seeds; on avoiding undersowing; that the improvement of agricultural production assume a mass character, for the better the whole machine for the advancement of agriculture is put in place, the more success the country as a whole will achieve. "If we swing wider than we can

28 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, p. 267.

29 Bulletin of the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets N 1. 1920.

30 Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 53.

we will only compromise ourselves in the eyes of the peasants,” Lenin warned.

In order to carry out all these tasks and with a view to maximum assistance to the peasant economy, as well as for the correct management of the entire agricultural campaign in the villages, provinces and volosts, it was planned to create sowing committees consisting of no more than five persons. These sowing committees were obliged to act through the apparatus of the land departments, without creating their own technical apparatus 32 . Under the sowing commissions, it was necessary to create agricultural councils, which included rural specialists and representatives of the peasantry. These councils were advisory organizations that determined the technical feasibility and the possibility of implementing the measures planned by the sowing committees. “In order to develop the most independent activity of the masses of the working peasantry,” it was written in the law, “in the work to strengthen and develop agriculture, to form, under the village councils, under the chairmanship of the chairman of the village council, peasant committees for the improvement of agricultural production, elected by rural societies” 33. The creation of the village committees was aimed at the broad involvement of the peasant masses in the organization of the rise of agriculture.

The creation of these special bodies was caused by the desire to rely on the broad peasant masses in this important work.

Thus, at the end of the civil war, in the conditions of the transition to peaceful construction, the Soviet state attracted the working people to the organization and management of production not only in industry, but also in agriculture. At the same time, the creation of sowing committees was a special, exceptionally important measure, characteristic of the period of transition from civil war to peaceful construction under the special conditions of 1920-1921. It combined the methods of war communism - methods of non-economic influence - with the search for ways to create a personal interest of the peasants in the development of agriculture and to provide initiative, both to local Soviet authorities and to the broad working masses of the peasantry.

It is important to note that the idea of ​​forming sowing committees was put forward and widely supported by local workers and organizations. For example, in a letter to the Urzhum congress delegate from the Urzhum party organization it was written: "A particularly important and serious question will be raised about assistance committees" 34 . And in the theses, approved by the Urzhum party meeting, it was noted: "In order to involve the general population in the work, create committees of assistance ... in the tasks that set the implementation of the state plan for sowing fields" 35 .

The sowing committees were charged with organizing extensive assistance to the peasant economy. They were to bring into exemplary order all institutions that provided technical and organizational assistance to the peasants: repair shops, rental shops, mills, etc. They were also to organize the correct use of improved agricultural implements (mowers, reapers) and the transfer to sowing and harvesting campaigns of the Labor Army and Red Army units. They were also charged with broad agricultural propaganda 36 .

The congress instructed the Council of People's Commissars to give instructions to all economic people's commissariats and departments on the organization of assistance to agriculture. VSNKh

31 Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 55.

32 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 267.

33 Ibid., p. 268.

34 TsGAOR, f. 1235, op. 11, d. 73, l. 110.

35 Ibid., l. 109.

36 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 268.

was supposed to take up the development of agricultural engineering, the production of fertilizers. Foreign Trade was entrusted with the purchase of varietal seeds and breeding stock abroad; People's Commissariat for Naval Affairs - the transfer of army units to help agriculture, etc. 37 .

Thus, in the very first paragraphs of the law, the state assumed a number of obligations in assisting the peasant economy, both with inventory and with labor, in the amount to which this was possible in the conditions of the devastation of 1920-1921. At the same time, as already mentioned, the state took over the management of the sowing campaign. Now the determination of the size of the area for sowing and the nature of sowing ceased to be the business of individual peasants. "In order to support by measures of state power," the law wrote, "the aspirations of the best farmers to expand the sowing area, to declare the seeding of the area of ​​land established by the state sowing plan a state duty" 38 .

At the first stage of the transition to peaceful work, the state carried out a number of other measures using the methods of war communism. Sowing by the peasants of their field was declared a "state duty" on a par with the duty of horse-drawn and labor. Military-communist principles were also taken as the basis for determining the nature of those crops that each peasant must sow. Through the system of sowing committees and village committees, the state obliged each peasant to sow certain agricultural crops.

For the first time, the state approached the adoption of the principle of planning sown areas and determining the nature of crops, entrusting the drawing up of all-Russian plans for the sowing campaign to the People's Commissariat of Agriculture, and locally to local sowing committees. Much attention was paid to the provision of sown areas with a seed fund; The state was faced with the task of preserving the seed fund at all costs. Due to the famine, there was a danger that the seed fund would be eaten. And V. I. Lenin, warning against this, said: "Our goal is to take the amount of seeds necessary for complete seeding under the protection of the state" 39 .

The preservation of the seed funds in the hands of the peasants became the business of the state, which ensured the preservation of these seeds together with the peasants. "Declare the stocks of seeds held by farmers," the law established in paragraph 9, "in the amount required for the economy, as an inviolable seed fund, and take measures to protect the seed fund and distribute seeds within the province" 40 . The law outlined a number of measures for the preservation of seeds, such as: handing over to public barns in the bags of the owners and with their mark, declaring the seeds held by private owners inviolable, subject to their personal responsibility for the preservation of the seed fund. It is interesting to note that a number of statutory measures for the protection of seeds were a generalization of experience already available on the ground. Thus, one of the congress delegates, a peasant from Kursk, said on the sidelines of the congress: “We have settled down in a good way, the Lord has made it, we have allocated a barn, and let's carry seeds into it ... then a barn for two locks with a seal, we have one key , the executive committee has another one, they can't get there without us, and we won't be able to" 41 .

Describing the connection between the law and established practice, Lenin said that the law proceeds from local experience, and in the localities this

37 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 269.

39 Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 54.

40 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 269.

41 Bulletin of the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets N 5. M. 1920.

have already felt 42 . In developing and approving the draft law, the congress did not confine itself to establishing state leadership in the sowing of fields and the preservation of seeds. He made a decision on the need for state regulation of agricultural production technology, instructing the sowing committees under the guidance and control of: the People's Commissariat of Agriculture to develop mandatory rules for the basic methods of cultivating fields and improving meadows, as well as sowing methods and methods for maintaining soil fertility 43.

Thus, the Soviet state came close to the question of improving the methods of cultivating the land, to the question of transferring the best methods to the entire multi-million peasant economy. At the same time, the Soviet state not only set itself the task of restoring the pre-war level of agriculture, but also took the first steps in the field of transferring it to new, advanced methods of agricultural technology. It is clear that during the period of the existence of a small individual peasant economy, the reconstruction of agriculture could not be carried out in full, but nevertheless, the Soviet state began to take the first steps in this area already in 1921, immediately after the end of the civil war.

Especially great debate at the congress was caused by the section of the bill on the system of bonuses for the best achievements in agriculture. The principles and ideas of war communism were still strong, but it became more and more clear that in the conditions of peaceful work it was necessary to find new methods of economic influence on the peasantry. The section on rewarding collectives and individual farms for good progress in the development of agriculture was the first, albeit timid, attempt to find these new methods in the context of maintaining the surplus appropriation. The idea of ​​introducing economic measures to stimulate the development of agriculture has found wide support among the working people. In one of the letters addressed to the congress, a senior worker of railway siding N 20 of the Kaluga province wrote that, having read the newspaper "Poor" for December 28, 1920, and learned from it that "the bill provides for a number of incentive measures in the form of bonuses, as entire societies, and individual householders for this or that success in the economy, I am deeply touched, since the bonuses will raise the productivity in the country" 44 . Similar opinions can be found in other letters addressed to the congress and in a number of peasant responses published in the Soviet press.

The stormy debate at the meetings of the land section and the Bolshevik faction was caused not by the controversial question of the principle admissibility of bonuses, but by the question of whether bonuses are permissible not only for collectives, but also for individual peasant farms. Opponents of individual bonuses believed that bonuses would only go to the kulaks, since only they would be able to achieve noticeable results. With collective bonuses, they said, the peasants within their collective would pull each other up. Supporters of individual bonuses argued that the masses of peasants had not yet been imbued with communist principles, and under conditions of individual farming, collective bonuses would not be a sufficient incentive for the upsurge and development of peasant farming. As a result of the debate, the congress came to the conclusion about the need for bonuses, both for entire collectives and for individual farms. But the congress placed bonuses on individual peasant farms in the background.

42 See Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 36.

43 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 270.

44 TsGAOR, f. 1235, op. 11, d. 73. l. 179.

45 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 271.

The measures worked out by the Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, however, could not ensure a broad rise in agriculture, since, while maintaining the surplus appropriation, they did not change the economic policy of war communism in relation to the peasantry. These measures were able to play and later played a significant role in the overall system of measures of the Soviet state in the restoration and development of agriculture only under the conditions of the new economic policy and the implementation of Lenin's decree on the tax in kind.

The most important section of the work of the congress was the question of the restoration of industry. The October Revolution and the transfer of all the main means of production into the hands of the proletarian state created socialist relations of production in the nationalized industry, providing the political and economic basis for the establishment of socialist relations of production in the entire national economy of the country. But that was only one side of the issue. The tasks of building socialism required raising to a higher level the mode of production of material goods and the development of the productive forces. The efforts of the Soviet state were aimed at restoring the country's productive forces, for their further flourishing in order to create an economic foundation for building socialism.

After a serious and comprehensive discussion of the issue, the 8th All-Russian Congress of Soviets came to the conclusion that the central task of the next period should be the restoration of transport, the fuel industry and metallurgy. The task of restoring transport - in view of its catastrophic state, which led to a weakening of the country's defense capability - the Soviet government paid attention to during the civil war. As a result of energetic measures, the further collapse of transport in 1920 was halted. But, starting from the end of this year to restore the national economy, the country again faced the need to radically improve the operation of transport. The VIII Congress of Soviets discussed and outlined urgent measures for the restoration of railways and waterways.

In the field of industry, the congress faced the task of not only restoring its pre-war level, but also creating a new, advanced technical base for the country. Electrification, mechanization of the national economy - these are the tasks put forward by the congress.

The Congress also singled out those branches of industry that needed to be restored in the first place: “In view of the enormous importance of the coal industry and heavy industry for the restoration of the entire economy of the Republic,” it was noted in its decision “On Heavy Industry,” the 8th Congress considers it necessary to concentrate all bodies of the Republic to increase the extraction of coal and ores to provide industry with fuel and metal. The coal and metallurgical industry of Siberia, the Urals, the Moscow Region and Donetsk regions should be placed in especially favorable conditions for the development of their productive forces "46.

The decision on the Urals and Donbass is not limited to the establishment of common tasks for raising and restoring coal mines and launching small and large metallurgical plants. The congress developed a specific plan for coal mining and metal production for 1921, obliging the Supreme Council of National Economy to

46 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 272.

take all measures to increase coal production in the Donetsk region to at least 600 million poods and pig iron to 25 million poods.

The congress instructed the implementation of a broad electrification of the Donbass and the Urals and the transition from horse-drawn transport to electrified railways, to the extensive development of mine and factory tracks. Raising the question of the development of the fuel industry, the congress obliged to pay special attention to the development of the extraction and distillation of liquid fuels and put forward the task of rapidly developing and restoring not only the old oil regions of Baku and Grozny, but also the rapid development of new regions, especially Emba 49 , and the development of wide plans for the construction of oil pipelines. Thus, immediately after the end of the civil war, the Soviet state, along with the restoration of the national economy, set the task of reconstructing industry on the basis of the most advanced technology. The discussion and adoption by the congress of the GOELRO plan, one of the most important documents of the era, served the same purpose. "Communism is Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country," 50 Lenin pointed out in his report to the congress. Emphasizing the exceptional significance of the plan developed by the GOELRO commission, Lenin said: "In my opinion, this is our second party program" 51 . Developing this idea, Lenin said: "Only when the country is electrified, when the technical base of modern large-scale industry is placed under industry, agriculture and transport, only then will we finally win."

G. M. Krzhizhanovsky made a report on the plan for the electrification of Soviet Russia at the congress. On the stage of the Bolshoi Theater, in front of the delegates of the VIII Congress, a large map of Soviet Russia was hung out with points of planned power plants and ringing schemes for areas plotted on it. The entire map was electrified and gave an accurate idea of ​​the country's electrification plan. G. M. Krzhizhanovsky unfolded before the audience a specific plan for the electrification of the country developed by the GOELRO commission: where, when and what power plants will be built, on what fuel, how the ringing will go, etc. At the same time, the speaker showed the congress that the electrification plan includes a program for the re-equipment and reconstruction of all industry and the entire national economy on the basis of advanced modern technology. “We find an opportunity,” said G. M. Krzhizhanovsky, “in about ten years not only to heal the wounds of wars, but also to raise our productive forces during this period by 80-100% above the pre-war level” 54 .

47 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, p. 272. The need for the speedy restoration of the fuel industry and metallurgy as the most important condition for further socialist construction was written to the congress from all parts of the country. The theses of the Saratov GSNKh, widely discussed in the Saratov party organizations, pointed out the need for the speedy development of the mining industry, as well as the need to raise the “Donetsk basin, the Ural metallurgy, the Caucasian and Emba oil” (TsGAOR, f. 1235, op. 11, d. 54, sheet 2). The same thoughts ran like a red thread through the theses of a non-Party author sent to the congress, "wholly devoted to the communist way of life" (ibid., fol. 20); an order to the Red Army delegate from the 10th division (ibid., d. 3, l. 124); greetings addressed to the congress from the Women's Conference of Working Women and Peasants, Putilovskaya cavity (ibid., d. 6, l. 24) and a large number of orders, greetings, resolutions of various conferences of working people.

48 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 273.

49 See ibid., p. 112.

50 Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 46.

51 Ibid., p. 45.

52 Ibid., p. 47.

53 Bulletin of the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets N 2. M. 1920.

54 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, pp. 79 - 80.

The delegates, who came from the devastated regions of the country to cold and starving Moscow, listened with great attention to the report, which unfolded bright prospects for the near future before them. The congress approved the electrification plan and in a special decision indicated that it evaluated this plan "as the first step in a great economic undertaking." He instructed the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Council of People's Commissars and the relevant people's commissariats to complete the development of the electrification plan and approve it, "and without fail as soon as possible" 55 .

Put forward by the party of Lenin-Stalin and approved by the Eighth Congress, the plan for the electrification of the country found wide support and understanding among the workers and peasants. Workers and peasants enthusiastically welcomed the electrification plan. In the press of those years, one can find dozens of responses to the adoption of this plan by the congress.

Of course, at the end of 1920, the state could not fully begin to implement the plan for the electrification of the entire country. The GOELRO plan was put forward as a prospect that revealed to the broad masses the inexhaustible possibilities of the socialist development of the Soviet state, which replaced the old, capitalist Russia.

Adopted by the VIII Congress of Soviets, the GOELRO plan was the first national economic plan that linked the Soviet economy into a single whole. Designed for a number of years, it was called upon not only to ensure the restoration of the national economy, but also to ensure the construction of the economic foundation of socialism. Assessing the significance of the “Plan for the Electrification of Russia” adopted by the Congress and published, J. V. Stalin wrote to V. I. Lenin in March 1921: “An excellent, well-written book. A masterful sketch of a truly unified and truly state economic plan without quotes. our time is a Marxist attempt to bring under the Soviet superstructure of economically backward Russia a really real and the only possible technical and production base under present conditions" 56 .

In discussing the measures to be taken for the speedy upswing of industry, the congress also paid attention to two most important tasks—the problem of labor and the problem of technology. The civil war, mobilization, lack of food in the cities led to a sharp reduction in the skilled workforce at the enterprises. The fulfillment of the decisions of the congress on the restoration and rise of industry was impossible without the provision of enterprises with skilled workers. In order to attract skilled workers and specialists to the industry, the congress outlined a number of urgent measures, but to improve the material situation of the workers, for the immediate return to the enterprises of workers released from the army. The congress paid special attention to the need to expand vocational education.

With the shift of the center of gravity from military questions to problems of economic construction, the establishment by the Congress of a special labor order is connected. The decision of the VIII Congress on the establishment of the Order of the Red Banner of Labor stated that "in order to distinguish before the entire Republic of Soviets those groups of workers and individual citizens who have shown special dedication, initiative, diligence and organization in solving economic problems, the 8th Congress of Soviets decides to establish "Order of the Red Banner of Labor" and its sign" 57 . The establishment of the labor order emphasized the great

55 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, p. 271.

56 I. Stalin. Op. Vol. 5, p. 50.

57 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 276.

the importance attached by the party and the government to constructive economic work.

The new national economic tasks demanded fundamental changes in the entire system of managing the national economy. The Eighth Congress adopted a number of decisions aimed at improving and restructuring the system of managing the national economy in accordance with peaceful working conditions.

During the difficult years of the civil war, a military-communist management system was established in the national economy, built on the principles of strict centralization of management and distribution of raw materials and finished products. The initiative of local authorities, the initiative of the enterprises themselves was reduced to almost nothing. The determination of the nature of production, the distribution of raw materials and finished products, the solution of individual economic and production problems - all this was carried out in a strictly centralized manner. There was almost no monetary system of payment, there was no cost accounting. Such a military-communist system of production and leadership during the war played a positive role, but was completely unsuitable for the purposes of peaceful reconstruction work. With such management of industrial enterprises, the initiative of local workers and the economic interest of local institutions were limited. This system ultimately led to the manifestation of bureaucracy and red tape in all parts of the economic apparatus.

Having rebuffed the ultra-decentralization proposals, which had in mind the general elimination of centralized administration, the congress outlined a more flexible system of administration. Questions were raised about the need for a radical improvement in the management of the country's economic life, about improving the apparatus of the Supreme Council of National Economy, eliminating parallelism in its work, and about combating bureaucracy and red tape. Deciding to strengthen the link between the central and local economic bodies, the congress at the same time set the task of finding such forms of economic leadership that would serve to develop the self-activity and initiative of local economic bodies. It was necessary to ensure, emphasized at the congress, the development of "self-activity, initiative ... of local bodies", while at the same time ensuring the improvement of their apparatus 58 .

In essence, during the years of war communism, all the work of local economic bodies - communist labor, food committees, land departments, local economic councils, etc. - was fragmented. Each of these bodies was subordinate to a higher one and had little connection with other local economic bodies. All this led to the absence of a single, coordinated economic life in the localities.

In order to unite and strengthen the economic activities of the entire local economic apparatus of the Soviet government and to involve it in the implementation of both local and national tasks, the VIII Congress decided to create provincial economic meetings under the gubernia executive committees as their commissions. The duties of these conferences included coordinating and directing all the work of local bodies of economic people's commissariats: the Supreme Council of National Economy, the People's Commissariat for Economic Affairs, the People's Commissariat of Commissariats, etc. In a special instruction, the congress proposed that the STO develop measures for the creation of regional economic bodies and "develop regulations on provincial and district economic meetings" 59 .

However, the decisions of the congress in the field of developing local economic life did not yet fully ensure the tasks set.

58 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, p. 117.

59 Ibid., p. 282.

since the basic principles of the management of the national economy remained the principles of war communism. In the future, it was only the transition to the New Economic Policy that made it possible to fully expand economic life in the localities.

The Eighth Congress also took the first steps towards the restoration of local and handicraft industries. Small and medium-sized enterprises were separated from the total mass of plants and factories subordinate to the Supreme Council of National Economy, and their management was decentralized. In the decision "On local bodies of economic management," the congress instructed the formation of a special commission of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, which was instructed to complete within two months the compilation of lists of large enterprises remaining under the jurisdiction of the central bodies of the state, and a list of medium and small enterprises passing under the jurisdiction of local economic bodies. At the same time, the transfer of medium and small enterprises to the Gubernia Councils of National Economy was to be completed.

The congress also took the first steps towards revising the supply system adopted during the war years. In the decision "On local economic management bodies", the congress proposed that the Supreme Economic Council "take measures to decentralize the auxiliary supply of enterprises ... of all three groups with ancillary materials, while maintaining the unity of the nationwide supply plan" 61 , and by a special decision "On Local Supply Funds" 62 granted the right to create their own funds to supply their enterprises and institutions.

The transition of the country's life from military to peaceful, the first plans for the restoration of the national economy and the first steps towards restructuring the system of management of the national economy made it necessary to revise the system of work of the country's highest economic bodies. It became necessary to unite the various people's commissariats and all economic organizations of the country more closely. A special commission was set up to work on this issue even before the congress.

V. I. Lenin suggested that the congress entrust the coordination and coordination of the work of all economic agencies of the state, as well as the drawing up of a single nationwide national economic plan, to the Council of Labor and Defense, since, Lenin said, "all plans for individual branches of production must be strictly coordinated, linked and together draw up that unified economic plan, which we so much need" 63 . In accordance with Lenin's instructions, the congress, in its decision "On the Council of Labor and Defense," 64 clarified and defined the functions of the STO, created during the Civil War as the Council of Defense, and in April 1920 reorganized into the Council of Labor and Defense. Based on the decision of the congress, the SRT was to act as a commission of the Council of People's Commissars. "The Council of Labor and Defense," the congress's resolution wrote, "belongs to coordinating and strengthening the activities of departments in the field of ensuring the country's defense and economic development." The resolutions of the STO were now binding on all departments and institutions and could only be repealed by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

The task of peaceful construction was placed with all acuteness before the Party and the government, before the entire Soviet people, the question of restructuring the entire work of the organs of state administration of the country.

60 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, pp. 273-274.

61 Ibid., p. 274.

63 Lenin. Op. T. XXVI, p. 43.

64 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim report, p. 281.

In the report of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars, V. I. Lenin specifically pointed out the need to improve and restructure the Soviet apparatus, emphasizing that this was one of the most important issues on the agenda. The question of Soviet construction was raised at the plenary session of the congress, discussed at the section on Soviet construction and at the communist faction of the congress. The detailed resolution "On Soviet Construction" adopted by the congress included the following sections: on the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, on the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, on the Council of People's Commissars, on the relationship between central and local bodies; on the work of local councils and their executive committees 67 . All the decisions adopted by the congress put forward the tasks of strengthening and further developing the organs of Soviet power in relation to the conditions of peaceful life. All the attention of the organs of Soviet power was to be focused on the problems of economic work, as well as on the tasks of broadly involving the masses of the people in the administration of the country. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars were given instructions to speed up the restructuring of the governing bodies, simplifying all their work, eliminating bureaucracy and red tape, and enlisting the working masses in the work of the state apparatus. The congress obliged the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars to clarify the functions of various state bodies and review their staffing in order to reduce them. The Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was instructed to review the structure of the people's commissariats and their collegiums, as well as to develop and approve new regulations on the work of each people's commissariat separately. The fulfillment of this task was given such importance that already on January 5, 1921, a commission was created and began to work to review the composition of the people's commissariats and their colleges. This commission included JV Stalin 69 . At the same time, a commission was set up to revise the headquarters and centers 70 . These commissions worked throughout 1921.

The Congress also reviewed the work of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. In order to stabilize state activity, it was firmly established that decrees of national importance concerning the general norms of political and economic life, as well as decrees that cause fundamental changes in the existing practice of state bodies, must be considered beforehand by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. The congress obliged the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to strengthen control over the people's commissariats, departments and local authorities.

The liberation of almost the entire territory of Soviet Russia from the White Guards and interventionists made it possible for the congress to expand the composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, adding new deputies from the liberated regions, in accordance with this, the congress decided to increase the composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee from 200 to 300 people. The congress also gave instructions on the regular convocation of sessions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (during the war years, due to a number of difficulties, they met extremely irregularly). The decisions on the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and on the Council of People's Commissars were adopted in the same spirit of streamlining and restructuring all work in accordance with the peaceful conditions of life in the country.

70 Ibid., d. 2, l. 7.

71 See Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets. Resolutions, p. 277.

daily work of executive committees. Re-elections of councils were not made for several years. Leading workers were not elected, but were everywhere appointed by higher Soviet bodies. The weakening of the life of the Soviets was caused by the military situation and the fact, as noted in one resolution of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, that "a fierce civil war diverted a large number of the best Soviet workers to the fronts and created a situation in which the work of the Soviet civil apparatus naturally weakened" 72.

The need to strengthen the organs of Soviet power in the localities became an urgent task, since it was through them that wide circles of workers and peasants were attracted to the government of the country. Speaking at the VIII Congress of Soviets and noting the peculiarities of the Soviet system, V. I. Lenin pointed out that through the Soviet government, tens of millions of those who had not previously taken part in state life were attracted to active participation in state building. At the new, post-war stage, the soviets became organs of all-round mobilization of the city and countryside for the restoration of the national economy.

The congress decided to strengthen the work of the soviets and Soviet bodies, to eliminate excessive centralization, to expand the rights of local executive committees, to broadly democratize all their work, to turn the plenums of soviets into a business-like working apparatus, to create separate sections in the soviets, etc.

The central decisions in the area of ​​building local councils were the following resolutions: "On the relationship between central and local bodies" 74 and "On the work of local councils and their executive committees" 75 . Both of these decisions were supposed to help expand and strengthen the work of local councils. The Soviets were given greater independence and initiative. The connection between the soviets and the masses grew stronger. The congress pointed out that with the end of the war, it was necessary "to carry out regular re-elections of village, volost, city and other councils within the established time limits, and also to convene regular Congresses of Soviets" 76 . The volost, uyezd and provincial executive committees were charged with the obligation to convene at precisely the set time limits 77 .

In order to revitalize the work of the soviets and strengthen their ties with higher and lower authorities, the congress proposed to regularly convene extended meetings of executive committees, inviting employees of lower bodies of local soviets to them, to attract voters to meetings of the executive committees, and to arrange these meetings at factories and factories. The executive committees were asked to inform the working people widely about all the activities of the Soviet state. In order to involve the working class broadly in the restoration of the national economy and in the administration of the country, the congress passed a decision to set up city councils "in all urban-type settlements."

By its decision "On the relationship between central and local authorities," the Congress of Soviets streamlined the relationship between state, economic, and Soviet bodies, strengthening the authority and necessary independence of local soviets. The congress clearly defined the functions, rights and obligations of local Soviet bodies, forbade the people's commissariats to cancel the decisions of local councils and their executive committees, pointing out that

December 29, 1920 VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets finished its work. Hundreds of delegates dispersed throughout the country, carrying to the remote corners of the war-torn state the first indications of ways to restore and further develop the war-ravaged national economy. "After ending the war, the Soviet country began to switch to peaceful economic construction. It was necessary to heal the wounds inflicted by the war. It was necessary to restore the destroyed national economy, put industry, transport, and agriculture in order" 81 .

The Bolshevik Party, armed with a deep knowledge of the laws of the development of human society, paid all its attention to solving the problems of economic construction, proceeding from the fact that only the restoration of the country's productive forces, only a high degree of their development can create conditions for building a communist society, can ensure the military security of the Soviet states.

Immediately after the end of the work of the Eighth Congress of Soviets, the party and the government, the entire Soviet people launched work on a broad front to implement the decisions of the congress and, first of all, to implement the law "On measures to strengthen and develop peasant agriculture." During January, February and March 1921, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Council of People's Commissars, as well as a number of people's commissariats and other bodies of the Soviet state, carried out hard work on the sowing campaign and the creation of sowing committees. A number of instructions and regulations were developed: “On the procedure and methods for creating a seed fund and “preserving seeds”, “Regulations on committees for the strengthening and development of peasant agriculture” and a number of others. and provincial and district land departments. All the attention of local councils was directed to the sowing campaign. Abroad, the Soviet government purchased the first batches of agricultural implements. Workshops were created in the villages to repair worn-out old agricultural implements. A "Week of Inventory Repair" was held. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee sent to work in the sowing committees a number of responsible workers Many hundreds of rank-and-file party members and skilled workers were sent to carry out the sowing campaign.

However, in the course of all this work, it became more and more clear that while the old economic policy was maintained, the measures outlined by the Eighth Congress turned out to be in fact devoid of an economic foundation and in themselves could not ensure a real rise in agriculture. Relying mainly on the principles of war communism, and turning the tasks of raising productivity and improving

80 Eighth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, verbatim record, p. 279.

the quality of cultivating the land of small-scale producers in the matter of their state service, the law actually bypassed the ways of mass economic influence on the entire peasantry. It did not create a daily economic interest for each peasant "individually. Contributing to the improvement of agriculture and the sowing campaign in 1921, the law at the same time could not and did not become the main driving force in the overall rise of agriculture. This decisive force was decisions of the Tenth Congress of the RCP(b) and the Leninist law on the replacement of food and raw materials distribution by a tax in kind, as well as the entire system of measures of the new economic policy. place in the overall system of measures to restore agriculture.

E. Update date: 09/07/2015. URL: https://site/m/articles/view/EIGHTH-ALL-RUSSIAN-CONGRESS-SOVIETS (date of access: 22.08.2019).