FROM THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT Citizens! The Provisional Committee of the members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the capital's troops and the population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime, which allows it to proceed to more

Appendix 8

February Revolution. Uprising in Petrograd.

Reference material

During the war years, the number of the industrial proletariat increased and by the beginning of 1917 amounted to about 3.6 million people, in total there were over 15 million wage workers in Russia. In Petrograd there was the largest concentration of the proletariat in the country, which became the main force of the revolutionary uprisings in the February days. Particularly violent were the working demonstrations on the Vyborg side, where they spontaneously developed into strikes and revolutionary demonstrations.

Demonstrations of workers intensified the entire population of Petrograd. From the workers' outskirts, columns of disgruntled workers headed for the city center, broke through to Nevsky Prospekt, and here merged into a single stream with all the protesters.

On February 25 (March 10), a general political strike began, paralyzing the economic life of the city.

On February 27 (March 12), the general strike developed into an armed uprising against the autocracy. This happened when the actions of the workers were supported by the masses of soldiers. The soldiers of the reserve battalion of the Volyn reserve regiment were the first to rebel, then the soldiers of the reserve battalions of the Preobrazhensky reserve regiment, the Lithuanian reserve regiment, and the Moscow reserve regiment.

Annex 9

Reference material

Order No. 1 came from the Central Executive Committee (CEC) of the Petrograd (essentially all-Russian) Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

“Order No. 1” was given in the conditions of a grandiose world war, when there were about 11 million people under arms in Russia. He actually abolished military discipline in the army and made it completely incapacitated, in conditions when Russia continued to wage war with Germany and its allies.

Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies

The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies decided:

1. In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and individual services of various types of military directorates and on ships of the navy, immediately select committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.
2. In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, to elect one representative from each company, who will appear with written certificates in the building of the State Duma by 10 o'clock in the morning on March 2.
3. In all its political actions, the military unit is subordinate to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and its committees.
4. The orders of the military commission of the State Duma must be carried out, except in cases where they contradict the orders and resolutions of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
5. All kinds of weapons, such as rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and under the control of the company and battalion committees and in no case be issued to officers even at their request.
6. In the ranks and in the performance of their duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside the service and in the ranks, in their political, general civil and private life, soldiers cannot be diminished in any way in those rights that all citizens enjoy. In particular, rising to the front and the obligatory salute outside the service are canceled.
7. The titles of officers are also abolished: your excellency, nobility, etc. and is replaced by the address: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc. Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them as "You" is prohibited, and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, the latter are obliged to bring to the attention of the company committees ...

Annex 10

Reference material

In its appeal to the citizens of Russia, the Provisional Government, on the basis of the principles of "succession of power" and "continuity of law," proclaimed democratic reforms in the country.

The Provisional Government declared its desire to bring the war to a "victorious end" and to fulfill all treaties and agreements with the Allied Powers. It legalized the destruction of the police apparatus, replaced the police with people's militia, arrested members of the Council of Ministers, abolished penal servitude and exile, and declared a political amnesty. Political freedoms were introduced. It was planned to convene a Constituent Assembly.

FROM THE INTERIM GOVERNMENT

Citizens!

The Provisional Committee of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the capital's troops and the population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that it allows it to proceed to a more stable organization of executive power.

For this purpose, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma appoints the following persons as ministers of the first public cabinet, the confidence in which the countries have been ensured by their past social and political activities.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior - Prince G.E. Lvov. Minister of Foreign Affairs - P.N. Milyukov. Minister of War and Marine - A.I. Guchkov. Minister of Railways - N.V. Nekrasov. Minister of Trade and Industry - A.I. Konovalov. Minister of Finance - M.I. Tereshchenko. Minister of Education - A.A. Manuilov. Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod - V.N. Lvov. Minister of Agriculture - A.I. Shingarev. Minister of Justice - A.F. Kerensky.

In its present activities, the Cabinet will be guided by the following grounds:

1. Full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious cases, including: terrorist attacks, military uprisings and agrarian crimes, etc.
2. Freedom of speech, press, unions, meetings and strikes with the extension of political freedoms to military personnel within the limits allowed by military technical conditions.
3. Cancellation of all class, religious and national restrictions.
4. Immediate preparations for the convocation on the basis of a universal, equal, secret and direct vote of the Constituent Assembly, which will establish the form of government and the constitution of the country.
5. Replacing the police with people's militia with elected authorities subordinate to local governments.
6. Elections to local self-government bodies based on universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage.
7. Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the revolutionary movement.
8. While maintaining strict military discipline in the ranks and in the performance of military service - the elimination for soldiers of all restrictions in the use of public rights granted to all other citizens.

The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures.

Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko. Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince Lvov. Ministers: Milyukov, Nekrasov, Manuilov, Konovalov, Tereshchenko, V. Lvov, Shingarev, Kerensky.

News of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

Annex 11

Reference material

The draft act of renunciation was drawn up by V.V. Shulgin. Initially, it was assumed that the tsar would abdicate in favor of his son Alexei under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, but the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet demanded that this part of the manifesto be changed. The provisional government, bypassing the decision of the Executive Committee, instructed its envoys to seek abdication in favor of their son under the regency of Mikhail Alexandrovich.

Nicholas II abandoned such a formula, citing the illness of Tsarevich Alexei and his paternal feelings. He preferred to transfer the throne to Mikhail Alexandrovich. This legally violated the law of succession to the throne.

Simultaneously with the Manifesto, the tsar signed two more documents: decrees on the appointment of Prince G.E. Lvov as Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Younger) as Supreme Commander. The time stamped on the decrees is 2 hours, and on the Manifesto - 15 hours 15 minutes, although they were signed at 23 hours 40 minutes. Thus, the appearance of legitimacy and continuity of the new government was created - the Provisional Government, supposedly appointed by the king before his abdication.

Manifesto on the abdication of Emperor Nicholas II and the resignation of supreme power. March 2, 1917

Chief of Staff

In the days of the great struggle with the external enemy, who had been striving to enslave our homeland for almost three years, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the whole future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end at all costs. The cruel enemy is straining his last strength, and the hour is near when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will be able to finally break the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, WE considered it a duty of conscience to facilitate for OUR people the close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people in order to achieve victory as soon as possible, and, in agreement with the State Duma, we recognized it as a blessing to abdicate the Throne of the Russian State and lay down the Supreme Power. Not wanting to part with OUR beloved Son, WE pass on OUR heritage to OUR Brother Grand Duke MIKHAIL ALEXANDROVICH and bless HIM to ascend the Throne of the Russian State. We command OUR Brother to govern the affairs of state in full and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions, on the principles that will be established by them, taking an inviolable oath to that. In the name of our dearly beloved homeland, we call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their duty to him, obedience to the Tsar in a difficult moment of nationwide trials and help HIM, together with representatives of the people, lead the Russian State to the path of victory, prosperity and strength. May the Lord God help Russia.

Appendix 12

Kornilov rebellion

Reference material

Supreme Commander General L.G. Kornilov in August 1917 made an attempt to prevent the coming to power of left-wing radicals, primarily the Bolsheviks, with the help of military force. The Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev became the center for preparing a military performance. In the context of the socio-political crisis and the fall of the authority of the Provisional Government, L.G. Kornilov put forward his program of "saving the motherland": the liquidation of revolutionary organizations, the transfer of all power to the People's Defense Council, the militarization of the country, the introduction of the death penalty at the front and in the rear.

Most of the statesmen and politicians were on the side of the commander-in-chief, which was shown by the State Conference (August 12-15, 1917). The high command of the army was only waiting for a signal to openly support his armed action.

Enlisting the support of the head of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky, L.G. Kornilov on the evening of August 24 appointed General A.I. Krymov as commander of the Separate (Petrograd) Army. He was ordered to occupy the capital and disperse the Petrograd Soviet of Workers and Soldiers. The next day, it was planned to move units from the front to Petrograd.

Head of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky found himself in a difficult position during the Kornilov speech. He understood that only the harsh measures proposed by L.G. Kornilov, they could still save the economy from collapse, the army from anarchy, free the Provisional Government from control by the Petrograd Soviet and, in the end, establish internal order in the country.

However, A.F. Kerensky at the last moment abandoned the bloc with L.G. Kornilov.

A.F. Kerensky understood that with the establishment of the military dictatorship of the Provisional Government and he personally would lose power, the democratic gains of the February Revolution would be jeopardized.

To counter the rebellious General A.F. Kerensky turned to the political left with a call for protection from the military dictatorship. To combat parts of L.G. Kornilov, the Provisional Government went into service with the workers.

Soldiers and workers saw the lower classes in the speech of L.G. Kornilov's attempt to bring back the old regime. The most irreconcilable position was taken by the Bolsheviks. On the outskirts of Petrograd, the Kornilov formations, in which revolutionary agitators were active and which had actually become incapacitated, were stopped. On August 31, realizing the hopelessness of the situation, General A.I. Krymov committed suicide. L.G. Kornilov and his associates were arrested and sent to prison in the city of Bykhov. On August 31 (September 13), the liquidation of the rebellion was officially announced.

The Kornilov events radically changed the situation in the country. The right-wing forces, having been defeated, could no longer put pressure on the government. The political initiative passed into the hands of the radical left parties, primarily the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs.

The Kornilov rebellion is assessed differently in the historical literature; to date, there are the most conflicting assessments of the activities of Lavr Kornilov himself.

Appeal of L.G. Kornilov to the people

Forced to speak openly, I, General Kornilov, declare that the Provisional Government, under the pressure of the Bolshevik Soviets, is acting in full accordance with the plans of the German General Staff, and simultaneously with the forthcoming landing of enemy forces on the Riga coast, is killing the army and shaking the country inside.

The heavy consciousness of the imminent death of the country commands me in these terrible moments to call on all Russian people to save the dying Motherland. Everyone who has a Russian heart beating in his chest, everyone who believes in God, temples, pray to the Lord God for the manifestation of the greatest miracle, the miracle of saving our native land.

I, General Kornilov, the son of a Cossack-peasant, declare to everyone and everyone that I personally do not need anything other than the preservation of great Russia, I swear to bring the people, by defeating the enemy, to the Constituent Assembly, at which they will decide their own destinies and choose the way of their new state life.

From the Prime Minister.

August 26 Gen. Kornilov sent me a member of the State. Duma Vl. Nick. Lvov demanding the transfer by the Provisional Government of the gene. Kornilov with all the fullness of civil and military power with the fact that he, at his personal discretion, will draw up a new government to govern the country.<...>

Seeing in the presentation of this demand, addressed in my person to the Provisional Government, the desire of certain circles of Russian society to take advantage of the state's difficult situation in order to establish a state order in the country that contradicts the gains of the revolution, the Provisional Government considered it necessary for me to take quick and decisive measures in order to root out all attempts to encroach on the supreme power in the state, on the rights of citizens won by the revolution. I am taking all the necessary measures to protect freedom and order in the country, and the population will be informed of such measures in a timely manner.

However, I order:

1. General Kornilov to surrender the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief.<...>
2. To declare the city of Petrograd and the Petrograd district under martial law, extending to it the rules on areas declared to be under martial law ...

I call on all citizens to complete calm and maintain the order necessary to save the motherland. I call on all the ranks of the army and navy to selflessly and calmly fulfill their duty - to protect their homeland from an external enemy!

Minister-Chairman, Military and Naval Minister A.F. Kerensky.

Annex 13

Political parties of Russia in February-October 1917

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich (November 22, 1878, Anichkov Palace, St. Petersburg - June 13, 1918, near Perm) - the fourth son of Alexander III, the younger brother of Nicholas II; Russian military leader, lieutenant general (1916), adjutant general; member of the State Council (1901-1917).

From 1899 (from the date of the death of Grand Duke Georgy Alexandrovich) until August 1904 (the birth of Emperor Nicholas II's son Alexei) - heir to the throne of the Russian Empire.

During the First World War, from August 23, 1914, he commanded the Caucasian native cavalry division, and from February 4, 1916, the 2nd Cavalry Corps.
From January 19, 1917 - inspector general of the cavalry.

On March 3 (16), 1917, during the February Revolution, Emperor Nicholas II abdicated the throne, and a few hours later he decided to abdicate also for the heir, Tsarevich Alexei, in favor of Mikhail Alexandrovich, but after lengthy negotiations with representatives of the State Duma, he announced that will accept supreme power only if the will of the whole people is expressed (through the Constituent Assembly):14, and called for submission to the Provisional Government.

After the revolutionary events of February-March 1917, Mikhail was exiled to Gatchina and no longer took part in the political life of the country. From August 1917 he was under house arrest. The Bolsheviks who came to power left Mikhail Alexandrovich in Gatchina until March 1918, when it was decided to send him to the Perm province. On the night of June 12-13, 1918, Mikhail Alexandrovich was abducted and killed by a group of local Cheka and police officers, which served as a kind of signal to start killing representatives of the Romanov family who remained in Russia.

Abdication of Nicholas II

On March 2 (15), Nicholas II, under pressure from the commanders of the fronts and his entourage, decided to abdicate in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. During the day, the king decided to abdicate also for the heir.

The renunciation manifesto ended with the words:<…>in agreement with the State Duma, We recognized it as a blessing to abdicate the Throne of the Russian State and lay down the supreme power from Ourself. Not wanting to part with Our beloved Son, We pass on Our heritage to Our Brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and bless Him to ascend the Throne of the State of Russia<…>».

From the telegram of Nicholas II:

March 3, 1917
Petrograd.
His Imperial Majesty Michael II. The events of recent days forced me to decide irrevocably on this extreme step. Forgive me if I upset you and that I did not have time to warn you. I remain forever faithful and devoted brother. I fervently pray to God to help you and your Motherland.
Nicky.

Abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich

The candidacy of Mikhail Alexandrovich to the Russian throne when establishing a system of constitutional monarchy seemed to many contemporaries the only option for the evolutionary development of Russia. In the active army at dawn on March 3, 1917, many military units began to swear allegiance to Emperor Michael II.
P. N. Krasnov recalled that when, in his 4th Cavalry Division, he announced the accession to the throne of Mikhail, the answer to him was the thousands of “Hurrah!” lined up for the announcement of this news parts.

Mikhail Alexandrovich, however, did not dare to take the throne, since he did not have any real power. His hesitations finally ended after negotiations with representatives of the State Duma headed by M. V. Rodzianko, who directly stated that if he assumed the throne, a new uprising would break out in the capital and the Duma could not guarantee his safety. At the same time, during the negotiations, P. N. Milyukov tried to persuade the Grand Duke not to abdicate the throne and even suggested that all the monarchical forces leave Petrograd and group in a more conservative Moscow, but the prospect of a civil war that opened up extremely frightened everyone present.

On March 3 (16) in response to the Manifesto of the abdication of Nicholas II, the “Michael Manifesto” was drawn up (published on March 4 (17)). In it, Mikhail Alexandrovich asked all citizens of Russia to submit to the Provisional Government and announced that he would accept supreme power only if the people expressed their will to do so through a popular vote in the election of representatives to the Constituent Assembly, which was supposed to decide the issue of the “form of government” by the state . Thus, the return of the monarchy (in its constitutional form) was not excluded:14.

According to a number of historians:14 and biographers of Mikhail Alexandrovich, the latter, from the moment of signing the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and until the signing of his own manifesto (less than a day), de jure was the Emperor of All Russia - Mikhail II. In his Manifesto, he, remaining emperor, gave the Constituent Assembly, duly elected by the people, the right to decide on the form of government. A number of modern encyclopedic publications also adhere to a similar interpretation. According to the historian L.A. Lykova, from a legal point of view, Mikhail remained emperor until his death in June 1918:14.

Watch in advance "Logicology - about the fate of man".

Consider the FULL NAME code tables. \If there is a shift in numbers and letters on your screen, adjust the image scale\.

17 32 45 46 60 75 78 91 101 123 124 134 146 147 159 165 176 194 195 209 214 231 246 249 259 283
R O M A N O V M I K H A I L A L E X A N D R O V I C
283 266 251 238 237 223 208 205 192 182 160 159 149 137 136 124 118 107 89 88 74 69 52 37 34 24

13 23 45 46 56 68 69 81 87 98 116 117 131 136 153 168 171 181 205 222 237 250 251 265 280 283
M I H A I L A L E X A N D R O V I C R O M A N O V
283 270 260 238 237 227 215 214 202 196 185 167 166 152 147 130 115 112 102 78 61 46 33 32 18 3

ROMANOV MIKHAIL ALEKSANDROVICH \u003d 283 \u003d 102-SHOT + 181-SHOT IN THE HEART.

283 = 205-\ 102-SHOT + 103-SHOT \ + 78-HEART.

283 = 208-\ 102-SHOT + 106-SHOT IN... \ + 75-HEART.

283 \u003d 56-DIED + 227-DEATH FROM A SHOT.

283 \u003d 89-DEATH + 194-FROM THE SHOT DIED.

283 = 123-DEATH FROM... + 160-SHOT DIED.

Consider the table, taking once the letters included in the FULL NAME code:

17 32 45 46 60 63 73 95 107 113 124 142 147 171
R O M A N V I C H L E X S D C
171 154 139 126 125 111 108 98 76 64 58 47 29 24

171 \u003d 154-SHOT + 17-R \ shot \.

171 \u003d 63-DEATH + 108-SHOOTING.

73 = DIST\ rel \
__________________
108 = SHOOTING

283 \u003d 171-\ 63-DEATH + 108-SHOOTING \ + 112- \ 108-SHOOTING + 4-G (ibel) \.

Code DATE OF DEATH: 06/13/1918. This = 13 + 06 + 19 + 18 = 56 = EXECUTED = DIED.

Code of the full DATE OF DEATH \u003d 217-THIRTEENTH OF JUNE + 37-\ 19 + 18 \- (code of the YEAR OF DEATH) \u003d 254.

254 = 102-SHOT + 152-SHOT IN THE HEART \ tse \.

Code for the number of full YEARS OF LIFE = 123-THIRTY + 94-NINE = 217 = JUNE THIRTEENTH.

283 = 217-THIRTY-NINE + 66-KILL.

217 - 66 = 151 = SHOT IN THE HEART.

Look at the top table:

134 = THIRTY NINE
________________________________________________
159 = 108-SHOT + 51-KILL

147 = SHOT TO THE HEART \ = END OF LIFE
_____________________________________________________
137 = THIRTY NINE \ yat \ = END OF LIFE \ and \

Formation of Soviets throughout Russia

Elections to the Council were held in Ivanovo-Voznesensk workers' deputies in factories. At the call of the Bolsheviks, the workers went to the barracks and suggested that the soldiers also elect their deputies to the Soviet. 12 deputies were elected from the soldiers. In Ivanovo-Voznesensk, famous for its revolutionary traditions (it was there that the Soviets were born during the revolution of 1905), the Bolsheviks dominated the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies from the very beginning, unlike most other cities, where the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks initially had the majority .

Central Committee of the RSDLP(b), taking into account the resolution on the Provisional Government adopted by the Council of R. and S. D., decided not to oppose the power of the Provisional Government insofar as its actions correspond to the interests of the proletariat and the broad democratic masses of the people and to announce its decision to wage the most ruthless struggle against any attempts Governments to restore in whatever form the monarchical form of government.

At general meetings printers and woodworkers, where elections to the St. Petersburg Soviet took place, a resolution was adopted expressing confidence only in the Council. The meeting proposed to the Council to closely monitor the activities of the Provisional Government, for which purpose to form a staff of propagandists and commissioners to explain current events to the people. In the event that the Provisional Government fails to fulfill these promises, call on the workers and soldiers to fight against it.

Afternoon in Moscow there was a rally on Theater Square, to which some of the demonstrators came with posters "Down with the war." In the Zamoskvoretsky district, at a rally of workers, soldiers and students, in the presence of 2,000 people, a resolution was adopted that ended with the words: "Long live the Constituent Assembly, long live the 3rd International, long live the RSDLP."

Group of Trudoviks issued an appeal, and the Moscow conference of the Socialist Revolutionary Party adopted a resolution - both documents call for support for the Provisional Government.

A temporary organizational committee of the Soviet of Soldiers' Deputies was set up in Moscow. The organization of the committee was reported to the military units, which began the election of soldiers' deputies - one from the company. The Committee unanimously decided to work together with the Soviet of Workers' Deputies The new commander of the troops of the Moscow Military District, Lieutenant Colonel Gruzinov, after negotiations with the Soviet of Workers and the Organizing Committee of Soldiers' Deputies, issued an order giving the soldiers the right to elect their representatives to public organizations.

In a number of provincial cities there was an accession to the revolution. In Sestroretsk, a revolutionary committee of workers and soldiers was formed, which staged rallies and organized a people's militia and a food commission. Elections were held in Yamburg for delegates to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. In Kineshma (Kostroma Province) a meeting of 15,000 people was held, convened by the union of cooperatives. The Council of Workers' Deputies was elected and organized by the Revolutionary Committee. In Rodniki (Kostroma province), 6,000 workers at the Krasilshchikov factory swore allegiance to the new government and are waiting for a complete constitution, amnesty, universal suffrage, freedom of speech, conscience and assembly from it. (N. Avdeev. "Revolution of 1917. Chronicle of events")

Dear A.M.!
We have now received the second government telegrams about the revolution 1 (4) in St. Petersburg. A week of bloody battles between the workers and Milyukov+Guchkov+Kerensky in power!! According to the "old" European pattern ...
Well! This "first stage of the first revolution (of those generated by the war)" will not be the last, nor will it be only Russian. Of course, we will remain ... against the imperialist massacre led by Shingarev + Kerensky and Co.
All our slogans are the same. In the last issue of Sotsial-Demokrat we spoke directly about the possibility of a government of "Milyukov with Guchkov, if not Milyukov with Kerensky." It turned out and - and: all three together. Premilo! Let's see, somehow the party of people's freedom ... will give the people freedom, bread, peace ... "

Admiral Nepenin to Admiral Rusin

“There was a riot on the Andrey, Pavel and Glory. Admiral Nebolsin is killed. The Baltic Fleet as a military force does not exist now. What can I do? Addition. Riot on almost all ships "( N. Starilov. "CHRONICLES OF RED OCTOBER")

Chronicle of revolutionary events in Primorye

The news of the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne came to Vladivostok at night with a great delay due to a breakdown in the telegraph. Morning in Vladivostok turned out to be unfriendly. Wet snow fell and quickly melted. The long horns of the workshops of the military port, the ships of the Volunteer Fleet, the car assembly workshops and the power station called the workers to a meeting. At 8:30 a.m., a meeting of workers took place on the square in front of the mechanical workshops. The port captain read the telegram about the king's abdication. The workers adopted a resolution in support of revolutionary Petrograd.

At 12 o'clock, intellectuals, raznochintsy, philistines, housewives and students came to the monument to Admiral Gennady Nevelsky on Svetlanskaya. Lined up in columns with red bows and bandages on their sleeves, workers, sailors, and soldiers arrived to the sounds of a military band. After the meeting, the workers of the workshops of the military port and merchant sailors, armed soldiers and sailors, went to the prison. “Freedom to the prisoners of tsarism!”, “Long live the revolution!” - these exclamations caused the jailers to tremble. Under the onslaught of the crowd, they were forced to open the gates, and a stream of people rushed into the prison yard. The revolutionary workers smashed the cell doors and freed political prisoners one by one.

The Vladivostok City Duma immediately gathered for a meeting. The executive body of the Duma, the Committee of Public Security (CSS), was elected. On behalf of the City Duma, the COB adopted an appeal:

“The greatest event in the life of the Russian people has happened. The sun of freedom, truth and justice rises over the delivered Russia. The government that had oppressed the people for centuries has passed into eternity.”

The military governor appeared at the COB and reported:

“I act in solidarity with the City Duma and await orders from the Provisional Government.”

The district court and prosecutor's supervision stated:

We welcome the Provisional Government, and at the dawn of the court of the people's conscience and a free prosecutor's office, we testify to our full readiness to serve with all our might for the glory and good of our dear Motherland.

Eleanor Prey, the wife of a businessman, an American living in Vladivostok, wrote in the hot pursuit of the events:

The telegram was published yesterday at the end of the day, and Aleutskaya around the editorial office of the Far Outskirts was packed with people waiting for the leaflet to come out. I was so tired when I got home that I lay down for a couple of hours without undressing, and while I was sleeping Ted came in and taped a large sheet of telegram to the mirror.

The mood of the day is conveyed by the poem of the Vladivostok writer N.P. Matveev (Amursky) “To Fighters for the Motherland”:

Brothers! Let's raise an exalted temple
Forces calling for Freedom.
Eternal memory to the fallen fighters!
Eternal glory to the living!…
Bent forever, forever gone
Terrible terrible years,
And over the expanse of native land
The sun shines on freedom...

Reference:
Matveev Nikolay Petrovich. Hereditary worker, son of a shipbuilding plant modeller. He graduated from the Personnel School of the Vladivostok Port and began working as a craftsman in the foundry shop of the military port workshops. Subsequently, a professional writer, poet, journalist, publisher, local historian, owner of a printing house. During the First Russian Revolution, he was a Social Democrat. In 1906, he was arrested for revolutionary publications, spent a year in prison, and after his release from active political activity, he retired. In March 1919 he emigrated to Japan.

If you find an error, please highlight a piece of text and click Ctrl+Enter .

The real revolution took place on March 2-3 (15-16), when the monarchical power and the renewed order of government associated with it collapsed: we must not forget that on the night of March 1 (14) to March 2 (15), Nicholas II granted the State Duma the right to form the Council ministers, and Russia became a constitutional monarchy. With the collapse of the throne, the national symbol, the usual political rite for the masses, disappeared, and, most perniciously, the multimillion-strong army was instantly released from the oath to the legitimate heir to the throne, Tsarevich Alexei Nikolayevich. Now the fate of the Russian state and society depended on the will and activities of the newborn holders of power - the Provisional Government, the Soviets, and in the future - on the decisions of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, which was not provided for by the code of laws.

Drama Discussion: Sad Conclusions

The riots and the soldiers' revolt of the "reserves" that broke out in Petrograd on February 23-27 (March 8-12, NS) in 1917 were not the result of any conspiracy, the activities of the political underground or German agents. None of these reasons could bring hundreds of thousands of people to the streets, much less provoke a spontaneous revolt of the huge Petrograd garrison deep in the rear of the armies of the Northern Front. The scope of the metropolitan unrest turned out to be complete surprise even for professional revolutionaries - according to one of his contemporaries, February found them "sleeping like foolish gospel virgins."

On February 28-March 2 (March 13-15), the unrest grew rapidly and spilled out beyond the borders of Petrograd: a bloody sailor riot in Kronstadt and on the ships of the Baltic Fleet, unrest in Moscow and the transfer of the Moscow garrison to the side of opponents of the autocracy, unrest in Nizhny Novgorod and Tver. .. A social explosion in one city took on the character of a landslide state crisis in war conditions.

However, until 2-3 (15-16) March, only the rebellion of the rear garrisons won, primarily in Petrograd and Moscow. The real revolution took place on March 2-3 (15-16), when the monarchical power and the renewed order of government associated with it collapsed: we must not forget that on the night of March 1 (14) to March 2 (15), Nicholas II granted the State Duma the right to form the Council ministers, and Russia became a constitutional monarchy. With the collapse of the throne disappeared national symbol, habitual political practice for the masses of the people, and what is most pernicious - the multimillion-strong army was instantly released from the oath to the legitimate heir to the throne, Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich. Now the fate of the Russian state and society depended on the will and activities of the newborn holders of power - the Provisional Government, the Soviets, and in the future - on the decisions of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, which was not provided for by the code of laws.

So, why did the monarchical power collapse so rapidly?.. But a single and monosyllabic answer is inappropriate here.

1. The Great War demanded huge sacrifices: the regular army and officer corps of the imperial infantry died on the battlefields. For the lack of ammunition, technical means of combat and managerial mistakes at the front, one had to pay with their lives the best soldiers and officers. According to the General Staff, Lieutenant-General Nikolai Golovin, "like a very rich man, our command staff is accustomed to pouring officers' and soldiers' blood too recklessly." As a result, for 27 months of the war there was qualitative thinning the civil stratum of Russian society, and the composition of the multi-million army has irreversibly changed and deteriorated. Therefore, her senior commanders were tormented by the inevitable question - is it possible to rely on such an army to protect the vacillating throne and unpopular supreme power without the risk of disintegration of the troops? .. The revolution came to Russia in the form of a ferocious revolt of soldiers in the capital's garrison, which consisted in the absolute majority of yesterday's peasants in gray overcoats.

2. All the warring peoples were tired of the hardships and losses of the Great War, but our uncultured people were tired of military hardships and became impatiently irritated. earlier than others due to deep social backwardness - the pernicious legacy of the Petrine state. Hidden Bolshevism, as natural as obscenity, hooliganism and swearing, was born and spilled over into the “God-bearing people” long before February. Healthy Christian preaching in Russia failed, as the Church, captivated by the state, experienced a deep crisis. The most important institutions of civil freedom - peasant property, self-government, public education and world courts - only strengthened in Russia.

The February riot of 1917 was largely born out of a spontaneous rear protest against the war: incomprehensible, meaningless and painful for that time for the dense majority of the people. February made the "God-bearing people": hundreds of thousands of striking workers and the murderers of their officers - the ranks of the reserve battalions of the Petrograd garrison and the sailors of the Baltic Fleet. It was they who became the main participants, extras and the driving force of the revolution.

3. The revolutionaries were not ready for the Petrograd turmoil. But half a century of underground socialist preaching - against the backdrop of half-hearted and sluggish reforms - was not in vain. Therefore, February quickly received its socialist leaders, confident in the grandiosity and magic of the coming rule of the people. The activism of the Russian revolutionaries, who had been fighting against tsarist power for almost a century, created the Petrograd Soviet, based on a rebellious force that the State Duma did not have. The Duma gave birth to power without force, and the socialist Petrograd Soviet headed a spontaneous force without formal power.

4. Neither the old Russian power, in the person of the monarch and the government, nor society, in the person of its representatives, knew how to talk to each other: they simply did not have such historical experience. For two hundred imperial years, the authorities did not take care to create representative bodies and accustom society to a calm dialogue within the framework of the law. When the Duma was established in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, it turned out that neither the Duma members nor the authorities were accustomed to hear and listen each other, unable to limit their claims and ambitions, unable to find a compromise and use a legal platform for discussion.

Probably, in the conditions of peaceful development of the country - with sin in half - they would have learned. But in the conditions of the protracted war, the Duma turned not only into the headquarters of the liberal opposition, but also into the center for the interception of power, which from the autumn of 1915 became increasingly weak and unattractive. Neither the Duma members, who dreamed of gaining the right to appoint the Council of Ministers (a “responsible ministry”), nor Emperor Nicholas II, who did not want to sacrifice autocracy “saving as of old,” categorically did not want even a modest compromise (option: appoints several ministers Duma, and the key members of the cabinet - the sovereign). From the sharp confrontation between the tsarist government and the Duma, the political February was born.

5. The irresponsibility of the Duma opposition is striking and depressing. Milyukov's unscrupulous speech on November 1, 1916, which served as a signal to "storm the government," became its vivid symbol. The uncompromising struggle for a "responsible ministry", which the Duma members stubbornly waged in the midst of a difficult war, pushed Russia towards February.

6. In turn, the government itself diligently weakened the vertical of government. Issues of supplying Petrograd were not resolved, the discontent of the population accumulated. During the February riots in the capital, all the responsible persons appointed by Nicholas II to key posts turned out to be completely unsuitable for their positions: Chairman of the Council of Ministers Prince Golitsyn, Minister of the Interior Protopopov, Commander of the Petrograd Military District of the General Staff, Lieutenant General Khabalov, Minister of War General of Infantry Belyaev. Their confusion and unprofessionalism allowed the Petrograd riots to gain momentum on February 23-25.

On the evening of February 27, the tsarist ministers turned to the sovereign with a request to grant Russia a "responsible ministry" and, without any Highest command, actually resigned their powers. The self-liquidation of the Council of Ministers was the culmination of the impotence and irresponsibility of the supreme executive power.

7. The "Rasputin story" discredited the Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, and with her the Emperor Nicholas II. “The cunning, swindling man,” as Major General Batyushin called Rasputin, dishonored and compromised the royal family in a monstrous form of false sanctity. The conflict over Rasputin broke the unity in the House of Romanov as well, and Grand Duchess Elizaveta Feodorovna sent a telegram of congratulations to Princess Yusupova, the mother of one of the murderers of the ill-fated "old man": "All my deep and fervent prayers surround you all for the patriotic act of your dear son ". The murder of Rasputin became a crude and cynical crime. But an even worse event was the apparent impotence of the tsarist government, which refused to punish the murderers.

8. "Guchkov's conspiracy" existed on the eve of February. A small group of monarchist conspirators planned to carry out a behind-the-scenes palace coup and enthrone Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich under a regent from the House of Romanov in order to prevent, as they thought, an inevitable revolutionary explosion, the collapse of the throne and dynasty. Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna, as Guchkov sincerely believed, provoked the revolution with their "mediocre management", so the transition to a constitutional monarchy was necessary. But in practice, the preparations for the coup were not completed: riots and a soldier's revolt broke out in Petrograd before the conspirators had finished planning their actions - very chaotic, judging by fragmentary testimonies and testimonies.

The question of the extent to which Guchkov's intentions could become a reality will forever remain open, since none of the representatives of the highest generals and army command sympathized with the idea of ​​a palace coup. Any conspiracy theories on this matter remain only unprovable assumptions. However, rumors and gossip about the upcoming "palace coup" created a nervous atmosphere on the eve of February, contributed to the decline in the prestige of the royal name, the disintegration of power and the elite.

9. There was no “conspiracy of generals” who allegedly wanted to achieve the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of Tsarevich Alexei - this is a legend composed by unscrupulous emigre publicists who suffered from incontinence of monarchical feelings.

The terrible fate of the last Russian emperor and members of his family made such a heavy impression on his contemporaries that any attempts to take an unbiased look at the political activities of Nicholas II and his administrative decisions seemed an insult to the memory of the royal martyrs. At the end of 1915, the Russian political elite needed a "scapegoat" who would take on the thankless task of restoring the bloodless army after the "Great Retreat" - having completed his mission, this person had to hand over the army to the victorious tsar and go into the shadows. Such a general was found in the person of Alekseev. And in emigration they decided to posthumously make him a "scapegoat" - the main culprit of February and the collapse of the monarchical power, so as not to place any responsibility on the executed emperor.

Joint participation in any conspiracy implies a necessary degree of personal trust: however, Generals Alekseev and Ruzsky had been so hostile to each other since 1914 that any conspiracy between them looked incredible. Since 1915, Ruzsky had been intriguing against Alekseev and wanted him removed from the post of Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. No less cool relations existed between Generals Alekseev and Lukomsky since the pre-war period. The decision to send tsarist trains from Malaya Vishera to Pskov, where the headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front was located, was made on the night of March 1 not by Alekseev, not Ruzsky, but by the sovereign himself and the ranks of his retinue.

Correspondence and telegrams from the Headquarters during the days of the February Revolution show how stunned Alekseev and other generals were by the speed of events and the transformation of the anarchist revolt in Petrograd into all-Russian turmoil. The position of Alekseev himself changed as the situation in Russia worsened and threats to the rear of the Army in the field increased: on February 27-28, the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief agreed only with the need to replace the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and moderate concessions to the Duma on the principles of government formation. Only late in the evening of March 1 did Alekseev consider it necessary, as a concession, to give the Duma the right to form a cabinet of ministers - and the emperor eventually agreed to his request. Only on the morning of March 2, having become acquainted with the content of the night negotiations between Rodzianko and Ruzsky, Alekseev considered lesser evil — compared to the real risks of civil war in metropolitan centers- the transfer of the throne from Nicholas II to Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, but at the same time he expressed his personal opinion about the abdication to the king vaguely.

In the context of spontaneous social upheavals that swept the country, the main task of the generals and moderate public and political figures was to keep the front from rebellion and collapse, to preserve the dynasty, the throne and the renewed political system. army of millions was bound by an oath not only to NicholasII, but also to Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, whose accession to the throne would become a positive and pacifying factor in stabilizing the upset situation. Therefore, the transfer of the throne to the fully capable Tsarevich Alexei Nikolayevich, regardless of his age, health and position of his parents, seemed the only reasonable way out of the acute dynastic crisis that had been brewing since the autumn of 1915 and culminated in a revolutionary explosion in Petrograd.

10. To a much greater extent than the mythical "generals' conspiracy", the spread of rebellion and unrest, as well as the negotiations between the generals and the Duma members, was facilitated by the political incapacity of Nicholas II. The autocrat in Russia existed, but the events of February 27 - March 1 showed a complete lack of autocracy- that is, a system for making clear, responsible and individual decisions by the emperor, who was at the top of the management vertical.

Before leaving Headquarters on the morning of February 28, the sovereign gave only two orders: to suppress the unrest in Petrograd and send front-line units to the Petrograd region at the disposal of General Ivanov. Unfortunately, being the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Nicholas II was guided in that situation to a greater extent by anxiety for the fate of the family, and not by the interests of the Army. Against the advice of Alekseev, Nicholas II decided to leave Headquarters and left Mogilev for Tsarskoye Selo.

Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and Chief Marshal Benkendorf offered to take the August family out of Tsarskoye Selo. It was a reasonable and sensible proposal - the emperor and the heir to the throne would be at Headquarters. However, Nicholas II did not want to disturb sick children. Instead of creating an alternative center of power and control under security conditions, subordinating all structures and departments outside the capital to it, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief left the Army and went to the revolutionary region with a small retinue, having lost contact with the Headquarters and the ability to respond to events.

At the same time, the sovereign did not hide his peace-loving moods. If Alekseev considered it necessary to concentrate a strong detachment in the area of ​​Tsarskoye Selo before the evening of February 28 and advance on Petrograd, then Nicholas II and General Ivanov still days earlier refused to send troops to the capital, not wanting to arrange a bloody assault on the city and provoke civil strife. They hoped to limit themselves to a demonstration of soft power and negotiations with the Duma. Thus, neither Nicholas II nor General Ivanov, appointed commander-in-chief of the Petrograd military district, wanted to take responsibility for the inevitable and massive bloodshed in the suppression of the Petrograd riots.

11. After the disappearance of the legitimate government of Prince Golitsyn, a huge warring empire - with chaos and a riot of soldiers in the capital - was left without control. Yes, it can be said that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (VKGD), headed by Rodzianko, picked up - or ambitiously claimed - the power that had fallen from the hands of the Golitsyn government. But what did the Emperor of All Russia and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief do in response when he found out about this on the way to Tsarskoye Selo in the afternoon of February 28?.. Nothing.

Nicholas II had to immediately recognize the unauthorized VKGD rebellious body, appoint a new cabinet in any Russian city and declare all the orders of the VKGD invalid, demanding that the local authorities stop relations with Petrograd. Corresponding orders had to be sent to Headquarters, commanders of military districts and governors. Thus, the monarch would disavow any statements by Rodzianko. As Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Nicholas II should have immediately subordinated the entire transport network of the empire to the Headquarters, and then, ex officio, returned to the command center of the Active Army in order to lead the fight against the rebellious capital. But nothing of this was done, and the attitude of the monarch to the VKGD is not defined.

To the main question - was contact allowed with the interim government body created by the Duma to replace the disappeared Council of Ministers Golitsyn- Nicholas II did not answer. Throughout the journey to Pskov, the sovereign "sleep, ate and even occupied the closest persons of the Retinue with conversations." On the evening of February 28, he only sent a reassuring telegram from Likhoslavl to the Empress, forgetting that he was in command of a multimillion-strong army, and the Headquarters had not received any orders from him for 16 hours during the crisis, which was growing from the capital to the state. As a result, apathy and inaction reigned at the top of the Russian power vertical. Thus, Nicholas II actually tacitly acknowledged the claims of the VKGD, headed by Rodzianko, for the temporary performance of government functions. As a result of the absolute absence of any orders from the autocrat, contacts between the VKGD and the highest generals became inevitable, since in the end it was about whether the army would be able to continue the armed struggle at the front.

12. Abdication of the throne of Nicholas II on March 2 (15), 1917 was evil but lesser evil, compared with the possible consequences of the civil war. At the same time, the emperor himself did not want a bloody suppression of a new turmoil and civil strife, so the loyal telegrams of Khan of Nakhichevan and Count Keller were not only hopelessly late, but also did not make much sense. Out of a sense of duty and subordination, Nicholas II would never have approved the rebellion of individual chiefs of the Army in action against Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Younger), whom he himself had appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief before his abdication.

The sovereign made a sacrifice for the sake of Russia and the successful continuation of the war with an external enemy. But the sacrifice can only be voluntary: consequently, Nicholas II had a choice - to abdicate or not to abdicate. All popular versions that Nicholas II signed a “different” act of renunciation or did not sign it at all are nothing more than legends. There are more than enough documents and evidence of the renunciation from contemporaries and participants in the events, including Nicholas II himself and his mother, Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna.

However, during his abdication, Nicholas II made the most serious political mistake of his reign, illegally depriving the throne of the heir Alexei Nikolayevich. "Father's feelings" again turned out to be above the interests of the motherland and the army, which was instantly released from the oath to the Tsarevich - and the Russian Tsar as a national symbol. The decision of the sovereign to leave the boy to the family, and not to Russia, had devastating consequences.

The revocation of the oath to Alexei Nikolayevich was a huge blow to the consciousness of the uncultured soldier masses of the Army in the Field, who at that moment more or less retained discipline. The pacifying image of a child, reminiscent of the young Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, disappeared. No longer a regent, but a new sovereign, the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich became, who did not yet know about it, and was not flawless in the eyes of many monarchists because of his problematic marriage. If Alexei Nikolaevich, due to his age, could not abdicate, then Mikhail Alexandrovich could well do it. Therefore, the abdication for the crown prince created a direct threat to the monarchical power.

The saddest thing in this story is that both the father of the heir and the adult politicians completely ignored the opinion of Alexei Nikolayevich himself - a lively, developed, proud and fully capable boy, despite his illness.

13. Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, despite the insistence of Guchkov and Milyukov, who belatedly assessed the danger of the situation, refused to accept power not only because of the dangerous situation in Petrograd and hidden distrust of the members of the new government of Prince Lvov. Any member of the House of Romanov who ascended the throne under such circumstances would have felt the precariousness of his position on the throne, since the violation of the legal rights of Alexei Nikolayevich by his father was beyond doubt among sane monarchists and honest lawyers. Unfortunately, Guchkov's compromise proposal to keep the throne open under the protection of the regent-protector - until the passions were appeased - was not heard and supported.

Thus, the real collapse of the monarchical power in Russia and the state order on March 2-3, 1917 did not occur as a result of the abdication of Nicholas II, but after the illegal deprivation of the rights of Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, and the refusal of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich from the perception of supreme power before the decision of the All-Russian Constituent The assembly, which was dispersed by the Bolsheviks.

The February Revolution was the result of a deep crisis of the Russian autocracy, as well as centuries-old socio-political and spiritual-religious contradictions that aggravated under the influence of the Great War. Therefore, the conclusion of General Golovin should be recognized as fair: "The old regime was so psychologically undermined that the birth of a counter-revolutionary movement could not occur in the name of any restoration ideas."