The main political parties in the Russian Empire. Black Hundreds

1. General Provisions.

1.1. The International Public Organization "Russian Assembly" (hereinafter - IPO "RuS") is an international public association based on membership, created on the initiative of Russian citizens united to achieve the common goals specified in this Charter.

Organizational and legal form of MOO "RuS" is a public organization.

MOO "RuS" carries out its activities on the territory of Russia and on the territory of foreign states.

1.2. From now on, until state registration, IPO "RuS" carries out its activities on the basis of this provisional Charter.

1.3. IPO "RuS" in carrying out its activities is guided by the Constitution of Russia, the legislation on public associations, other applicable regulatory legal acts of Russia, the legislation of foreign states and international treaties of Russia, in terms of carrying out its activities on the territory of foreign states, this Charter and the Program of IPO "RuS ".

IPO "RuS" in accordance with the current legislation may join international public associations, maintain international contacts and communications, conduct other international activities in accordance with the legislation of Russia and international treaties of Russia.

1.4. Full name of IPO "RuS": International public organization "Russian Assembly".

Abbreviated name: IPO "Russian Assembly";

Short name: MOO "RuS".

1.5. Location of MOO "RuS" and its governing bodies: Russia, Moscow.

2. Goals and objectives of the IPO "Russian Assembly"

2.1. In determining its goals and objectives, IPO "RuS" proceeds from the following principles:

The enormous spiritual and scientific contribution of the peoples of Russia to world development, the unique geographical position of Russia, its economic and intellectual potential;

Ideas of patriotism and service to the Fatherland;

National and social justice, state integrity of Russia, communality and catholicity of the Russian people, the supremacy of the spiritual over the material;

Creative use of the works and testaments of the great Russian thinkers, spokesmen for Russian conservatism, traditionalism and Slavophilism.

2.2. The main objectives of the IPO "RuS" are:

The formation of Russia as a great power;

Participation in the development of the state ideology (national idea) of Russia;

Substantiation and advocacy of Russia's development path based on Russia's national interests, traditional Russian ideals and values;

Formation of public opinion;

Expression of the opinions of the members of the IPO "RuS" on any issues of public life, bringing these opinions to the attention of the general Russian and foreign public, state authorities and local self-government of Russia.

2.3. The tasks of the IPO "RuS" on the way to achieving the goals:

Strengthening and development of statehood, improvement of the state system;

Spread of conservative, traditionalist ideas;

Organization and participation in the development of geopolitical, socio-economic projects and theories aimed at enhancing the role and status of Russia in the international arena;

Comprehensive use of the intellectual and moral potential of the Russian people, the peoples of Russia;

Strengthening friendship between peoples;

Representing the interests of the Russian people in state authorities and local governments in Russia and abroad;

Assistance to the integration processes of Russia, Belarus, Ukraine and Kazakhstan;

Opposition to the ideas of globalism, the "new world order", liberalism, extremism and terrorism;

Assistance in ensuring the security of Russia, strengthening its defense capability;

Assistance to public authorities, local governments, the Russian Orthodox Church on the above issues;

Unconditional implementation of the Program of the International Public Organization "RuS".

3. Rights and obligations of the International Public Organization "Russian Assembly"

3.1. In accordance with the procedure established by the current legislation, IPO "RuS" has the right to:

Freely disseminate information about their activities, promote their views, goals and objectives;

Participate in the development of decisions of state authorities and local governments in the manner and to the extent established by the current legislation on public associations;

Create regional and foreign branches;

To use state and municipal mass media on equal terms;

Create associations and unions with other public associations without forming a legal entity;

Organize and conduct seminars, round tables, meetings, rallies, demonstrations, processions, pickets and other public events;

Protect their rights and represent the legitimate interests of their participants;

Carries out other activities established by the current Russian legislation and international treaties of Russia.

3.2. MOO "RuS" is obliged to:

Observe in their activities the Constitution of Russia, the current legislation;

Allow representatives of state authorized bodies to open events(including meetings, conferences or meetings) held by the IPO "RuS";

Fulfill other duties determined by the current Russian legislation and international treaties of Russia.

4. Founders and members of the IPO "Russian Assembly"

4.1. The founders of the IPO "RuS" are citizens of Russia who have reached the age of 18, who meet the requirements for the founders of public associations by the current legislation, who convened the General Meeting of the IPO "RuS", at which a decision was made to create the IPO "RuS", the Charter of the IPO "RuS" was approved, the governing bodies of the International Public Organization "RuS" were elected.

4.2. Members of the IPO "RuS" can be legal entities - Russian and foreign public associations, adult capable citizens of Russia, Foreign citizens who recognize this Charter and the Program of IPO "RuS" and are accepted as members of IPO "RuS" in the manner prescribed by this Charter.

The founders of the IPO "RuS" become members of the IPO "RuS" from the moment the decision to establish the IPO "RuS" is made.

4.3. Membership in IPO "RuS" cannot be limited on the grounds of professional, social, racial, national or religious affiliation, as well as depending on gender, origin, property status.

4.4. Members of IPO "RuS" have equal rights and bear equal duties. Legal entities - public associations can be represented in the IPO "RuS", as a rule, by one authorized representative.

4.5. A member of the IPO "RuS" has the right to:

Elect and be elected to the governing bodies of IPO "RuS", bodies of regional and international branches of IPO "RuS";

Freely express their views at the events of the IPO "RuS";

Apply with questions, suggestions and applications to any bodies of the IPO "RuS" and receive a substantive answer;

To use the assistance of the IPO "RuS" in the protection of their legal rights and obligations;

Be present at the discussion of issues relating to him personally;

Voluntarily withdraw from the IPO "RuS";

Has other rights in accordance with the current legislation and this Charter.

4.6. A member of the IPO "RuS" is obliged:

Fulfill the Charter of the International Public Organization "RuS", strengthen its ideological and organizational unity, explain and promote the program goals of the International Public Organization "RuS";

Take part in the activities of the IPO "RuS";

Implement the decisions and instructions of the governing bodies of the IPO "RuS";

Take care of the reputation of the International Public Organization "RuS", prevent actions that damage the International Public Organization "RuS", comply with the law and norms of public morality;

Carry out other duties determined by this Charter.

4.7. Admission to the International Public Organization "RuS" is carried out on the basis of personal written applications of applicants, drawn up in the name of the Central Council of the International Public Organization "RuS".

The application must indicate: surname, first name, patronymic, date of birth of the applicant, address of permanent or predominant residence, citizenship; indication of agreement with the provisions of the Charter of the IPO "RuS"; indication of party affiliation, membership in other public associations; phone number; personal signature of the applicant. The application may also contain the passport data of the applicant or the data of the document replacing him (series, number, by whom and when issued). The application of the legal entity indicates the decision of the governing body, the certificate of state registration of the legal entity, contact details.

4.8. Admission to the IPO "RuS" membership is carried out by the Central Council of the IPO "RuS".

4.9. A decision on the application for admission must be made within two months from the date of submission of the application. The date of the decision on admission is the date of acceptance of the applicant joining the IPO "RuS".

Upon admission to the International Public Organization "RuS", the Central Council of the International Public Organization "RuS" has the right to establish probation up to six months, and, if necessary, the guarantee of two or three members of the IPO "RuS".

4.10. A member of the IPO "RuS" may voluntarily withdraw from the IPO "RS". Termination of membership occurs on the basis of a personal written application addressed to the Central Council of the IPO "RuS". In this case, termination of membership occurs from the date of submission of a written application.

4.11. A member of the IPO "RuS" may be expelled from the IPO "RuS" for non-compliance with the Charter of the IPO "RuS", failure to comply with the decisions of the governing bodies of the IPO "RuS" or for actions discrediting the IPO "RuS".

The question of expulsion can be raised by any member of the IPO "RuS".

The decision on exclusion is made by the general meeting or the Central Council of the IPO "RuS".

The decision to expel is taken by two-thirds of the votes of those present at the relevant General Meeting or meeting.

4.12. The Central Council of the International Public Organization "RuS" organizes registration of the members of the International Public Organization "RuS". The procedure for registering members of the International Public Organization "RuS" is approved by the Central Council of the International Public Organization "RuS".

4.13. Accepted members of the International Public Organization "RuS" may be issued a membership card of the International Public Organization "RuS". A sample of a membership card, the procedure for the production, storage and use of membership cards is approved by the Central Council of the IPO "RuS".

4.14. IPO "RuS" may have supporters of IPO "RuS". Supporters of the IPO "RuS" are not members of the IPO "RuS". Supporters are citizens of Russia and foreign citizens who share the main program provisions of the International Public Organization "RuS" and provide assistance to the International Public Organization "RuS" in any form that does not contradict the current legislation. The procedure for acquiring and losing the status of a supporter of the IPO "RuS" is determined by a decision approved by the Central Council of the IPO "RuS".

4.15. The central bodies of the IPO "RuS" have the right to express gratitude to the members and supporters of the IPO "RuS" for their active work, to apply other methods of encouragement. Members and supporters of the IPO "RuS" can be awarded certificates of honor, diplomas, commemorative badges of the IPO "RuS".

4.16. For great services to IPO "RuS" or for a special contribution to the implementation of the statutory goals and objectives of IPO "RuS", the title of Honorary Member of IPO "RuS" can be awarded. The procedure for awarding the title is determined by a decision approved by the Central Council of the IPO "RuS".

5. The structure of the IPO "Russian Assembly"

5.1. The structure of the International Public Organization "RuS" includes the central bodies of the International Public Organization "RuS", departments created in the subjects of Russia ( regional offices) and on the territory of foreign states (foreign branches), acting on the basis of the Charter of the IPO "RuS".

5.2. The structure of the IPO "RuS" includes:

5.2.1. The highest central governing body: General meeting of the IPO "RuS".

Central authorities:

Central Council of International Public Organization “RuS”;

Control and Auditing Commission (Auditor) of MOO "RuS";

By decision of the General Meeting (Conference) or the Central Council of IPO "RuS", the Spiritual Council of IPO "RuS" can be created.

5.2.2. The supreme governing body of the regional branch: General meeting of the regional branch of the IPO "RuS".

Bodies of the regional branch of the International Public Organization "RuS":

Council of the regional branch;

Control and audit commission (auditor) of the regional branch.

5.2.3. Foreign branches of IPO "RuS", operating on the territory of foreign states, are created and operate similarly to regional branches of IPO "RuS", taking into account and in accordance with the legislation of these states and international treaties of Russia with these states.

6. General meeting (Conference) of the IPO "Russian Assembly"

6.1. The General Meeting or Conference of IPO "RuS" is the supreme governing body of IPO "RuS".

6.2. General meetings (Conference) are convened by the Central Council of IPO "RuS" as necessary, but at least once every two years.

6.3. The General Meeting of the International Public Organization "RuS" is competent if more than half of the participants of the members of the International Public Organization "RuS" take part in its work. Decisions of the General Meeting are taken, as a rule, by conciliation, by "general consent" or by a simple majority of votes of the participants in the meeting. The form of voting is determined by the General Meeting (with the exception of cases established by this Charter).

6.4. In the case of a branched structure of the IPO "RuS" and a large total number of members of the IPO "RuS", Conferences of the IPO "RuS" may be held instead of General Meetings.

Conferences are convened according to the norm of representation of Conference participants from regional and foreign branches of IPO "RuS", determined by the decision of the Central Council of IPO "RuS".

6.5. The competence of the General Meeting (Conference) of IPO "RuS" includes:

Adoption of the Charter of the IPO "RuS", as well as making changes and additions to it;

Adoption of the Program of the International Public Organization "RuS", other program documents and statements of the International Public Organization "RuS", as well as making changes and additions to them;

Election of the Chairman of IPO "RuS", election of members of the Central Council of IPO "RuS" for a period of 5 years;

Election of members of the Control and Audit Commission of the International Public Organization "RuS" (or the auditor) for a period of 5 years;

Hearing and approval of reports and reports of members of the Central Council of the IPO "RuS", the Control and Audit Commission (auditor) of the IPO "RuS";

Cancellation of any decisions of the bodies and officials of the IPO "RuS";

Other issues in accordance with this Charter and current legislation.

7. Chairman of the International Public Organization "Russian Assembly".

7.1. The Chairman of the International Public Organization "RuS" is the highest official of the International Public Organization "RuS", the spokesman for the line pursued by the International Public Organization "RuS".

7.2. The Chairman of IPO "RuS" is elected by the General Meeting (Conference) of IPO "RuS", is a member of the Central Council, organizes and manages the activities of the Central Council of IPO "RuS".

7.3. Chairman of the International Public Organization "RuS":

Without a power of attorney, represents the interests of the IPO "RuS" in relations with government authorities at all levels, with the leadership of Russia, state and public figures, public organizations and parties, the public, Russian and foreign organizations;

Carries out general management of the activities of the IPO "RuS";

Signs the adopted decisions, resolutions, statements of the General Meetings (Conferences), the Central Council of the IPO "RuS";

Manages the convening and conducts General Meetings (Conferences), meetings of the Central Council of IPO "RuS";

From among the members of the Central Council of the IPO "RuS" appoints and dismisses the Deputy (Deputies) Chairman of the IPO "RuS", Secretary of the IPO "RuS";

Makes decisions that are binding on the members of the Central Council, regional and foreign branches of the IPO "RuS";

Possesses other powers in accordance with this Charter and proceeding from the status of the highest official MOO "Rus".

8. Spiritual Council of the IPO "Russian Assembly"

8.1. By decision of the General Meeting (Conference) or the Central Council of IPO "RuS", the Spiritual Council of IPO "RuS" can be created, consisting of clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church who are members or supporters of IPO "RuS".

8.2. The status and functions of the Spiritual Council are determined by a decision approved by the Central Council of IPO "RuS".

9. Central Council of the International Public Organization "Russian Assembly"

9.1. The Central Council of the IPO "RuS" is a collegial central governing body of the IPO "RuS", which operates between the General Meetings (Conferences) of the IPO "RuS".

The Central Council of the IPO "RuS" is also the executive body of the IPO "RuS".

9.2. Members of the Central Council of IPO "RuS" are elected by the General Meeting of IPO "RuS" for a term of 5 years.

9.3. Meetings of the Central Council are convened by the Chairman of the International Public Organization "RuS" as necessary, but at least once every six months.

Extraordinary meetings may be convened at the request of the control and audit commission (auditor) of the IPO "RuS" or at the request of more than one third of the members of the Central Council. The meeting of the Central Council is competent if more than half of the members of the Central Council of IPO "RuS" take part in its work. Decisions are made, as a rule, in a council, by "general consent" or by a simple majority of votes of the participants in the meeting. The decision-making form is taken by the Central Council of IPO "RuS".

9.4. The competence of the Central Council of IPO "RuS" includes:

Acceptance and publication of statements and appeals on behalf of the IPO "RuS";

Convening General Meetings (Conferences) of IPO "RuS", determining the date and place of their holding, the draft agenda and establishing the norm of representation from regional and foreign branches for holding Conferences;

Making decisions on the creation of regional and foreign branches of the IPO "RuS", on their reorganization and liquidation;

Making decisions binding for execution by regional and foreign branches, members of the IPO "RuS";

Approval of the cost estimate of MOO "RuS" (in case of existing financial expenses) and the report on expenses;

Determination of the procedure for organizing the implementation of decisions of the General Meetings (Conferences) of the IPO "RuS";

Implementation of specific plans, programs and individual activities of the IPO "RuS";

Analysis of the state of affairs and development of the current activities of the IPO "RuS" in the period between the General Meetings of the IPO "RuS";

Establishment of advisory and working bodies to implement the goals and objectives of the IPO "RuS";

Making decisions on other issues that are not within the competence of the General Meeting of IPO "RuS".

9.5. Deputy (Deputy) Chairman of the International Public Organization "RuS":

Within its competence, implements decisions and organizes the implementation of decisions of the General Meetings (Conferences), Central Councils and the Chairman of the IPO "RuS";

By proxy of the Chairman of the International Public Organization "RuS" represents the interests of the International Public Organization "RuS" in relations with state authorities at all levels, public organizations and parties, the public;

Within the limits of its competence, makes decisions that are binding on the members of the IPO "RuS";

Within its competence, interacts with regional and foreign branches of the IPO "RuS";

Within its competence, organizes the development and submits for consideration by the General Meeting and the Central Council draft documents of the IPO "RuS";

Has other powers in accordance with this Charter and decisions of the Central Council and the Chairman of the IPO "RuS".

9.6. Secretary of the International Public Organization "RuS":

Organizes control over the execution of decisions of the General Meetings (Conferences), the Central Councils and the Chairman of the IPO "RuS";

Within its competence, organizes the development and submits for consideration by the General Meeting, the Central Council and the Chairman draft documents of the IPO "RuS";

Performs other powers in accordance with the decisions of the Chairman of the IPO "RuS".

10. Control and Audit Commission of the International Public Organization "Russian Assembly"

10.1. The Control and Audit Commission of the International Public Organization "RuS" (hereinafter referred to as the CRC) is the central control body of the International Public Organization "RuS".

10.2. The CRC is elected by the General Meeting (Conference) of the IPO "RuS" consisting of 3 people.

In the case of a small total number of members of the IPO "RuS", the General Meeting (Conference) may temporarily elect one auditor, acting as the CRC of the IPO "RuS".

10.3. The CRC (auditor) is accountable only to the General Meeting (Conference) of IPO Rus. The procedure for the activities of the CRC is determined by the General Meeting (Conference) of the IPO "RuS".

10.4. The Control and Auditing Commission (Auditor) of the International Public Organization "RuS":

Carries out control over the implementation of decisions of the General Meetings and Central Councils of the IPO “RS” for compliance with their implementation with the requirements of the Charter of the IPO “RuS” and the current legislation;

Carries out control over the financial and economic activities of the MOO "RuS" (in the case of such activities);

Controls the maintenance of accounting and reporting (if any);

Coordinates the activities of the CRC (auditors) of regional and foreign branches of the IPO "RuS";

Carries out other control functions in accordance with the procedure determined by the General Meeting (Conference) of IPO "RuS".

10.5. Decisions of the CRC (auditor) adopted within its competence are binding on all bodies, departments and members of the IPO "RuS", in respect of which these decisions were made.

10.6. Members of the CRC (auditor) cannot be simultaneously members of the Central Council of IPO "RuS", Councils of regional and foreign branches of IPO "RuS".

11. Regional and foreign branches of the International Public Organization "Russian Assembly"

11.1. Regional and foreign branches of the IPO "RuS" are created by the decision of the Central Council of the IPO "RuS" on the initiative of the members of the IPO "RuS" living in the respective territories, and are accountable to the central bodies of the IPO "RuS".

11.2. The regional and foreign branch consists of 3 or more members of the IPO "RuS".

11.3. The regional branch of the International Public Organization "RuS" is a structural subdivision of the International Public Organization "RuS" and operates on the territory of individual subjects of Russia.

Within the territory of a constituent entity of Russia, only one regional branch of the International Public Organization "RuS" can be created.

11.4. The foreign branch of the International Public Organization "RuS" is a structural subdivision of the International Public Organization "RuS" and operates on the territory of a separate foreign state.

Within the territory of a foreign state, only one foreign branch of the International Public Organization "RuS" can be created.

11.5. The activities of the General Meetings of regional and foreign branches, the Councils of regional and foreign branches of the IPO "RuS", their chairmen, auditors and other persons, are similar to the activities of the central bodies and officials of the IPO "RuS" in proportion to the level of management and are regulated by the procedure for their activities, determined by the Central Council of the IPO "Rus".

12. Final provisions.

12.1. The requirements of this Charter apply to the rights and obligations of foreign citizens and legal entities that are members and supporters of IPO "RuS", to the procedure for the creation and operation of foreign branches of IPO "RuS", their governing bodies and officials insofar as they do not contradict the legislation of a foreign state and international treaties of Russia.

12.2. Changes and additions to the Charter of IPO "RuS" are submitted for consideration by the General Meeting (Conference) by the Chairman or the Central Council of IPO "RuS" and are adopted by at least two-thirds of the votes present at the General Meeting (Conference).

12.3. Decisions on reorganization (merger, accession, separation, separation, transformation), as well as on the termination of activities (liquidation) of IPO "RuS" are made by the General Meeting (Conference) of IPO "RuS" by three-fourths of the votes present at the General Meeting (Conference).

12.4. The documents of the International Public Organization "RuS" after the liquidation of the International Public Organization "RuS" are transferred for storage to the State Archives of Russia in accordance with the procedure established by the current legislation.

12.5. Issues not stipulated by this Charter shall be resolved in accordance with the current legislation.

In connection with the revolutionary events of 1905, about fifty political parties were formed in Russia - both small-town and large ones, with a network of cells throughout the country. They can be attributed to three areas - radical revolutionary-democratic, liberal-opposition and monarchist conservative parties in Russia. The latter will be mainly discussed in this article.

Party creation process

Historically, the formation of various political parties occurs with a precise system. Opposition left parties are formed first. During the revolution of 1905, that is, a little after the signing of the October Manifesto, numerous centrist parties were formed, uniting, for the most part, the intelligentsia.

And finally, already in reaction to the Manifesto, right-wing parties appeared - the monarchist and conservative parties of Russia. An interesting fact: all these parties disappeared from the historical stage in the reverse order: the right swept away February Revolution, then the October Revolution abolished the centrists. Moreover, most of the leftist parties merged with the Bolsheviks or dissolved themselves in the 1920s, when show trials of their leaders began.

List and leaders

The Conservative Party - not a single one - was destined to survive 1917. They were all born in different time and died almost simultaneously. The conservative party "Russian Assembly" existed longer than all the others, because it was created earlier - in 1900. It will be discussed in more detail below.

Conservative Russian People" was founded in 1905, the leaders were Dubrovin and since 1912 - Markov. The "Union of Russian People" existed from 1905 to 1911, then until 1917 it was purely formal. V. A. Gringmuth in the same 1905 founded the Russian which later became "Russian Monarchist Union".

High-born aristocrats also had their own conservative party, the United Nobility, founded in 1906. The famous Russian People's Union of the Archangel was led by V. M. Purishkevich. The national-conservative party "All-Russian National Union" disappeared already in 1912, it was led by Balashov and Shulgin.

The Moderate Right Party ended its existence in 1910. The All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People managed to form only in 1912. Still later, the conservative party "Patriotic Patriotic Union" was created by the leaders Orlov and Skvortsov in 1915. A. I. Guchkov assembled his "Union of the Seventeenth of October" in 1906 (the same Octobrists). Here are roughly all the main conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

"Russian collection"

St. Petersburg became the birthplace of the RS - "Russian Assembly" in November 1900. The poet V. L. Velichko in a narrow circle complained that he was constantly haunted by vague, but clearly prescient visions of how some dark forces were capturing Russia. He proposed to create a kind of community of Russian people, ready to resist the future misfortune. This is how the RS party began - beautifully and patriotically. Already in January 1901, the charter of the RS was prepared and the leadership was elected. As the historian A. D. Stepanov put it at the first meeting, the Black Hundred movement was born.

So far, even this did not sound as threatening as, say, eighteen or twenty years from now. The charter was approved by Senator Durnovo and sealed with warm words full of bright hope. Initially, the meetings of the RS were like a literary and artistic club of the Slavophile persuasion.

Intellectuals, officials, clergy and landowners gathered there. Cultural and educational goals were put at the forefront. However, after the revolution of 1905, thanks to its activities, the RS ceased to be like other conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. She became strongly right-wing monarchist.

Activity

In the beginning, the RS hosted discussions of reports and hosted themed evenings. The meetings took place on Fridays and were devoted to political and social problems. "Literary Mondays" were also popular. All "Fridays" were first dealt with by V. V. Komarov, but they became popular and influential in the autumn of 1902, when V. L. Velichko became their head.

Since 1901, in addition to "Mondays" and "Fridays", separate meetings began (here it should be noted the activity of the Regional Department, chaired by Professor A. M. Zolotarev, later this department became independent organization"Russian marginal society"). Since 1903, under the leadership of N. A. Engelhardt, "literary Tuesdays" have become increasingly popular.

Already in 1901, the "Russian Assembly" numbered more than a thousand people, and in 1902 - six hundred more. Political activity boiled down to the fact that, starting from 1904, petitions and loyal subjects were periodically submitted to the tsar, deputations were organized to the palace and propaganda was carried out in the periodical press.

Deputations at various times were decorated with their presence by Princes Golitsyn and Volkonsky, Count Apraksin, Archpriest Bogolyubov, as well as no less famous people - Engelhardt, Zolotarev, Mordvinov, Leontiev, Puryshev, Bulatov, Nikolsky. The Sovereign received the delegations of the RS with enthusiasm. Conservative political parties, Nicholas II, one might say, loved and trusted them.

RS and revolutionary turmoil

In 1905 and 1906, the "Russian Assembly" did nothing special, and nothing happened to it, except for the post-revolutionary circular, which was forbidden to be members of any political associations of the tsarist army. Then the liberal and conservative parties lost many of their members, and the RS left its founder - A. M. Zolotarev.

In February 1906, the RS organized an All-Russian Congress in St. Petersburg. In fact, the Russian Assembly became a party only by 1907, when the program of the conservative party was adopted and additions were made to the charter. Now the RS could elect and be elected to the State Duma and the State Council.

The basis of the program was the motto: "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality." The "Russian Assembly" did not miss a single monarchist congress. However, it took a very long time to create an independent political faction. The First and Second Dumas did not give the RS a chance, so the party decided not to nominate candidates, on the contrary, to vote for the extreme left (such a trick against the Octobrists and Cadets). The political position at the Third and Fourth Dumas unequivocally did not recommend to its deputies to bloc with the centrists (Octobrists) and even with moderate right-wing nationalist parties.

splits

Until the end of 1908, passions raged in the monarchist camp, the results of which were splits in many organizations. For example, the conflict between Purishkevich and Dubrovin split the Union of the Russian People, after which the Union of the Archangel Michael appeared. Opinions in the RS are also divided. The party was haunted by quarrels, departures and deaths, but especially by the bureaucratic dead.

By 1914, the leaders of the RS decided on the absolute depoliticization of the party, seeing in the educational and cultural orientation the right way to resolve conflicts. However, the war deepened all the rifts in relations, since the Markovites were in favor of an immediate conclusion of peace with Germany, and Purishkevich's supporters, on the contrary, they needed a war to a victorious end. As a result, by the February Revolution, the "Russian Assembly" had outlived itself and turned into a small circle of the Slavophil direction.

NRC

The Union of the Russian People is another organization representing conservative parties. The table shows how high passionarity was at the beginning of the twentieth century - all kinds of societies, communities multiplied like mushrooms under an autumn rain. The SRN party began to operate in 1905. Its program and activities were entirely based on chauvinistic and even more anti-Semitic ideas of the monarchist persuasion.

Orthodox radicalism especially distinguished the views of its members. The NRC was actively opposed to any kind of revolutions and parliamentarism, stood up for the indivisibility and unity of Russia and advocated joint actions of the authorities and the people, who would be an advisory body under the sovereign. This organization, of course, was banned immediately after the end of the February Revolution, and recently, in 2005, they tried to recreate it.

historical background

Russian nationalism has never been alone in the world. The nineteenth century is universally marked by nationalist movements. In Russia, active political activity was able to appear only during the state crisis, after the defeat in the war with the Japanese and the cascade of revolutions. The tsar only then decided to support the initiative of right-wing public groups.

First, the above-mentioned elite organization "Russian Assembly" appeared, which had nothing in common with the people, and its activities did not find a sufficient response from the intelligentsia. Naturally, such an organization could not resist the revolution. As, however, and other political parties - liberal, conservative. The people already needed not right, but left, revolutionary organizations.

The "Union of Russian People" united in its ranks only the highest nobility, idealized the pre-Petrine era and recognized only the peasantry, merchants and nobility, did not recognize the cosmopolitan intelligentsia either as a class or as a stratum. The course of the SRL government was criticized for the international loans it had taken, believing that in this way the government was ruining the Russian people.

NRC and terror

The "Union of the Russian People" was created - the largest of the monarchical unions - on the initiative of several people at the same time: doctor Dubrovin, abbot Arseny and artist Maikov. Alexander Dubrovin, a member of the Russian Assembly, became the leader. He turned out to be a good organizer, politically sensitive and energetic person. He easily got in touch with the government and administration and convinced many that only mass patriotism can save the current order, that a society is needed that will carry out both mass actions and individual terror.

The conservative parties of the 20th century are beginning to engage in terror - this was something new. Nevertheless, the movement received support of all kinds: police, political and financial. The tsar gave his blessing to the RNC with all his heart in the hope that even terror is better than the inactivity shown by other conservative parties in Russia.

In December 1905, a mass rally was organized in the Mikhailovsky Manege of the RNC, where about twenty thousand people gathered. Prominent people spoke - famous monarchists, bishops. The people showed unity and enthusiasm. The "Union of the Russian People" published the newspaper "Russian Banner". The tsar accepted deputations, listened to reports and accepted gifts from the leaders of the Union. For example, the insignia of members of the RNC, which both the tsar and the crown prince wore from time to time.

In the meantime, the appeals of the RNC of absolutely pogromist anti-Semitic content were replicated among the people for millions of rubles received from the treasury. This organization grew at a tremendous pace, regional sections were opened in almost all major cities empire, in a few months - more than sixty branches.

Congress, charter, program

In August 1906, the charter of the RNC was approved. It contained the main ideas of the party, its program of action and the concept of development. This document was rightfully considered the best among all the statutes of monarchical societies, because it was short, clear and precise in wording. At the same time, a congress of leaders from all regions was convened to coordinate activities and centralize them.

The organization became paramilitary due to the new structure. All the rank-and-file members of the party were divided into dozens, dozens were reduced to hundreds, and hundreds to thousands, respectively, with subordination to foremen, centurions and thousandths. The organization of such a plan helped well the popularity among the people. A particularly active monarchist movement was in Kyiv, and a huge part of the RNC members lived in Little Russia.

The deeply revered John of Kronstadt, the All-Russian Father, as he was called, arrived at the Mikhailovsky Manege for another celebration on the occasion of the consecration of the banner, as well as the banner of the RNC. He said a welcoming speech and later joined the RNC himself, and until the very end he was an honorary member of this Union.

To prevent revolutions and maintain order, the NRC kept self-defense, often armed, on alert. The "White Guard" from Odessa is a particularly well-known squad of this kind. The principle of the formation of self-defense is a military Cossack with captains, atamans and foremen. Such squads existed at all factories in Moscow and St. Petersburg.

collapse

By its fourth congress, the RNC was the first among the Russian monarchist parties. It had over nine hundred branches, and the overwhelming majority of the delegates were members of this Union. But at the same time, contradictions began among the leaders. Purishkevich tried to remove Dubrovin from business, and he soon succeeded. He pulled over all the publishing and organizational work, many leaders of local branches no longer listened to anyone except Purishkevich. The same applies to many founders of the RNC.

And there was a conflict that went so far that the most powerful organization quickly came to naught. Purishkevich in 1908 created his "Union named after the Archangel Michael", withdrew from the RNC Moscow department. The Tsar's Manifesto on October 17 finally split the NRC, since the attitude towards the creation of the Duma was diametrically opposed. Then there was a terrorist act with the murder of a prominent State Duma deputy, in which Dubrovin's supporters and himself were accused.

The St. Petersburg department of the RNC in 1909 simply removed Dubrovin from power, leaving him an honorary membership in the Union, and very quickly ousted his like-minded people from all posts. Until 1912, Dubrovin tried to fight for a place in the sun, but realized that nothing could be returned, and in August he registered the charter of the Dubrovin Union, after which regional branches began to break away from the center one by one. All this did not add to the credibility of the NRC organization, and it finally collapsed. The conservative parties (right) were sure that the government was afraid of the power of this Union, and Stolypin personally played a huge role in its collapse.

Prohibition

It got to the point that the NRC formed a single bloc with the Octobrists. Subsequently, attempts were repeatedly made to recreate a single monarchical organization, but no one achieved success here. And the February Revolution banned monarchist parties, inciting against the leaders trials. Then the October Revolution followed, and most of the leaders of the RNC in these years were waiting for death. The remaining reconciled, erasing all past contradictions, the White movement.

Soviet historians considered the RNC to be an absolutely fascist organization, far anticipating their appearance in Italy. Even the RNC members themselves, many years later, wrote that the "Union of the Russian People" had become the historical predecessor of fascism (one of the leaders, Markov-2, wrote about it with pride). V. Lacker is sure that the Black Hundreds have gone about half the way from the reactionary movements of the nineteenth century to the right-wing populist (that is, fascist) parties of the twentieth century.

Question number 22: Political parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

In the history of the design of various political parties of the Russian Empire, a clear system can be traced. First, the most left-wing, opposition parties were formed. Then, during the Revolution of 1905, after the signing of the Manifesto on October 17, many centrist parties appeared, uniting mainly the intelligentsia. Finally, as a reaction to the Manifesto, right-wing, conservative parties emerge. It can be noted that these parties disappeared from the historical arena in exactly the reverse order: the February Revolution swept away the right, then the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly finally abolished the centrists. Some left-wing parties were banned, while most disbanded or merged with the Bolsheviks in the mid-1920s, during show trials of their most prominent representatives.

Parts:

Russian collection

Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel

Democratic Reform Party

Constitutional Democratic Party

Union of the Russian people

Russian Social Democratic Labor Party

Bolsheviks

Mensheviks

Party of Socialists - Revolutionaries

National parties:

Polish:

National Democratic Party of Poland

Polish Socialist Party

Jewish:

Poalei Zion

Armenian:

Dashnaktsutyun

Muslim:

Musavat

Ittifaq al-Muslimin

Party Alash

Russian collection.

One of the oldest right-monarchist parties, Orthodox-conservative socio-political organizations (parties) in Russia, which operated from 1900 to 1917.

Leaders:D. P. Golitsyn, N. A. Engelhardt, M. L. Shakhovskoy, A. N. Lobanov-Rostovsky, N. N. Peshkov, N. F. Geiden, P. N. Apraksin, N. N. Belyavsky

Foundation date: November 1900

Dissolution date: February - March 1917, an attempt to revive was made in 1918-1919. in the south of Russia.

Ideology: right-monarchist, nationalist.

Motto: Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Russian Nationality.

Union October 17th.

Right-liberal political party of officials, landowners and big industrial bourgeoisie of Russia, which existed in 1905-1917. The party represented the right wing of Russian liberalism, adhering to moderate constitutional views. The name of the party goes back to the Manifesto issued by Nicholas II on October 17, 1905.

Leader: Guchkov Alexander Ivanovich (since 1906)

Foundation date: October 1905

Dissolution date: 1917

Basic provisions :

Limitation of the monarch's power

Preservation of the monarchical form of government

Freedom of speech, assembly, movement, conscience

Inviolability of person and home

Preservation of the “united and indivisible” Russia

Facilitating the purchase of land by peasants from private owners

Normalization of the working day

Denial of the possibility of granting autonomy to certain parts of the empire, except for Finland

Equalization of peasants in rights with other estates

Ideology:constitutional monarchism, liberal conservatism

Number of members: about 30,000 people

party seal: more than 50 newspapers in Russian, German and Latvian, including: Vremya (Tomsk); "Voice of Moscow" (Moscow); "Russian outskirts" (Samarkand); "Word" (Moscow); "Update" (Kazan)

Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel.

Right-monarchist (Black Hundred), Orthodox-conservative socio-political organization (party) that operated in the Russian Empire in 1907-1917.

The Union advocated the preservation of the historical foundations of Russia - Orthodoxy and autocracy, fought for the deprivation of the electoral judiciary and the restriction of the representation of Poland and the Caucasus.

At the same time, the Union supported the existence of the State Duma and approved the Stolypin reform.

Party of Democratic Freedoms.

Liberal Party of Russia. It was founded in January 1906 by a group of members of the Constitutional Democratic Party who considered its program too leftist.

Leaders: M.M. Kovalevsky, M.M. Stasyulevich and others.

Date of foundation: January 1906

Date of dissolution: end of 1907

Headquarters: about 1000 - 2000 people

Ideology: liberalism

Party press: Strana newspaper and Vestnik Evropy magazine

Chairman of the new public organization Anatoly Stepanov, Several dozen people became the founders of the meeting. Among them are such famous people as the co-chairman of the Union of Writers of Russia Vladimir Nikolaevich Krupin, a member of the board of the Union of Writers of Russia Sergey Ivanovich Kotkalo, famous writers - Vasily Vladimirovich Dvortsov, Alexei Alekseevich Shorokhov, Andrey Yuryevich Khvalin, the venerable scholar-philologist Professor Vsevolod Yuryevich Troitsky, prominent public leaders of the movement "People's Cathedral" Oleg Yuryevich Kassin, chairman of the Union of Orthodox Citizens Valentin Vladimirovich Lebedev, head of the international movement "For Orthodox Russia" Pavel Andreyevich Bezukladichny, editor-in-chief of the magazine "Slavyanka" Sergei Vladimirovich Timchenko, columnist for radio "Radonezh", publicist Viktor Aleksandrovich Saulkin, priests father Alexander Shumsky and father Sergiy Karamyshev, public figure Andrey Vitalyevich Soshenko, deputy chief editor of the RNL Konstantin Gennadyevich Novikov, political scientist Alexander Andreyevich Gorbatov, director of the Center for the Study of Socially Significant Problems Vladimir Aleksandrovich Surin, director Yury Grigoryevich Samusenko, director of the Blessing publishing house, and Maria Andreevna Monomenova, a journalist. Among the founders were also the head of the Kalyazinsky municipal district of the Tver region Konstantin Gennadievich Ilyin, public figures Alexei Anatolyevich Kaygorodov, Alexei Anatolyevich Derevyanko, Yuri Mikhailovich Dunyashenko, candidate of historical sciences Pavel Gennadievich Petin, Alexander Vladimirovich Skakov, Alexander Fedorovich Chernavsky, Nikolai Alekseevich Chistov, Viktor Fedorovich Shevchenko and others. They represented several regions of Russia: Moscow, St. Petersburg, Tula, Kaluga, Lipetsk, Moscow, Yaroslavl, Nizhny Novgorod and Tver regions. The meeting approved the temporary charter of the public organization, elected the chairman and the Central Council of the "Russian Assembly", which included 5 people - the chairman of the RS, as well as Father Alexander Shumsky, Vladimir Krupin, Andrey Soshenko (organization secretary) and Konstantin Novikov. At the meeting, the idea was also born to create an Expert Council at the "Russian Assembly", which includes authoritative scientists, experts in various fields of knowledge. Doctor of Philosophy, Professor of Moscow State University Valery Nikolaevich Rastorguev, Doctor of Economics, Professor of MGIMO Valentin Yuryevich Katasonov, Doctor of Philology, Professor of Moscow State University Vladimir Alekseevich Voropaev, Doctor of Economics, Professor of the Higher School of Economics Leonid Sergeevich Grebnev have already agreed to enter the Council. The last two took an active part in the work of the meeting. In the future, as the proposals sounded, it is necessary not only to expand the composition of the Expert Council, but also to organize its work in different areas. In the meantime, it is planned to involve experts along with RS members in the preparation of round tables, readings, conferences and meetings. Significant was the participation in the founding meeting of the "Russian Assembly" of the chairman of the Writers' Union of Russia Valery Nikolaevich Ganichev, who addressed the audience with words of greeting and even took part in a discussion about the name of the organization. Ganichev had just returned from St. Petersburg, where he participated in the award ceremony of the Alexander Nevsky Prize, and, frankly, I had doubts that he would be able to take part in the meeting, although he promised to be there if the opportunity arose. Therefore, I would like to once again thank Valery Nikolayevich for the honor he did us all by taking part in the constituent assembly. For me, Ganichev's participation was a living personification of the continuity of generations, since Valery Nikolayevich is one of the "last Mohicans" of the patriotic movement of previous decades. Thus, the "Russian Assembly" has demonstrated loyalty to the patriotic tradition. By the way, in addition to V.N. Ganichev, other guests were also present at the meeting: the co-chairman of the Union of Orthodox Brotherhoods, the rector of the church of St. Nicholas on Bersenevka, hegumen Kirill (Sakharov), chairman of the Autocratic Russia party recently registered by the Ministry of Justice, writer Dmitry Nikolaevich Merkulov, editor-in-chief of the Perepravka magazine Alexander Ivanovich Notin. For us, such an ideological platform is Orthodoxy, patriotism and conservatism. We strive to update the ideas of Ivan Kireevsky and Alexei Khomyakov, Nikolai Danilevsky and Konstantin Leontiev, Konstantin and Ivan Aksakov, Mikhail Katkov and Konstantin Pobedonostsev, Lev Tikhomirov and Ivan Ilyin, the organizers of the pre-revolutionary "Russian Assembly" for the tasks of modern development of Russia. Only on this basis can a modern Russian ideology be created that can not only reconcile us with our great ancestors who created, equipped and defended the Fatherland, not only unite around the Russian people all the multicolored nationalities and confessions of Russia, but also serve as the basis for new integration in the Eurasian space , for the reunification of the Russian people divided by borders.

Printed organs of the "Russian Assembly". Count Union of Russian people. "Moskovskie Vedomosti" as political center right forces. Black Hundred "Russian banner". "Tsar and people", "Veche" and others.

SEAL OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTIES

In 1905, noble political associations stepped up their activities. After the publication of the tsar's manifesto on October 17 "Russian collection" issued an "Appeal to all like-minded people and to the people." It was the first program document of the "Assembly". The core of the organization's program guidelines was the recognition of "the unshakable foundations of the state order." "The Russian state," the Address said, "should form one indivisible whole under the rule of an autocratic tsar."

Soon the political program of the "Russian Assembly" itself was adopted. It determined the causes of the turmoil: the belittling of faith among the people, the plundering of the autocracy by representatives of the bureaucratic system, the weakening of national feeling and patriotism, the decline of Russian education, the foreign predominance in all spheres of Russian life.

The activists of the "Russian Assembly" saw the way out of the current turmoil in the calling of elected representatives of the people, "who will be able in practice to realize the true unity of the people with the tsar in the matter of state building." Not a word was said in the Program about any reforms announced in the manifesto.

This paper was published in the first issue "Bulletin of the Russian Assembly", published on January 27, 1906. The editor of the "Bulletin ..." was V.V. Yaromkin, then - S.L. Obleukhov. General management was carried out by the editorial team. The first issue was sent to all members of the "Assembly" free of charge, subsequent ones were sent free of charge only to non-resident members who paid membership fees. It should be noted that by 1906 the "Russian Assembly" numbered 1,500 people. It was the largest and most stable organization of the noble political associations.

In 1906, an attempt was made to publish a newspaper for the provinces by the Russian Assembly "Outskirts of Russia". Even a special meeting was set up to publish the newspaper, headed by Senator N.D. Sergeevsky. But due to a lack of funds in the "Collection", the newspaper began to be published by the participants-donors themselves, who, on the initiative of A.S. Budilovich, they decided to create their own organization at the end of 1907 - the Russian Border Society.

The provincial departments of the "Russian Assembly" also published their own periodicals. For example, the Odessa department published a newspaper "Russian speech", the Irkutsk branch published a newspaper "Siberian", Kazan branch issued "The Newspaper of the Rights" and the chairman of the council of the Kazan branch A.T. Solovyov was the editor-publisher of the newspaper "Rus Orthodox and Autocratic" and magazine "Doer".

Of the right-wing noble associations, the Russian Assembly was one of the most moderate and loyal to the government. His press basically followed the instructions of the central Council and its editorial attire: to be organs of "pacifying, alien to the desire to sow discord among nationalities."

Unlike the "Russian Assembly" "A circle of Moscow nobles, faithful to the oath" advocated carrying out certain reforms, without which, according to the leaders of the Kruzhok, the normal development of state life was disrupted, and, consequently, the autocracy was harmed. On this occasion, they were in active correspondence with S.Yu. Witte and other members of the cabinet of ministers.

The ideological and theoretical positions of the Kruzhok were substantiated in the works of its Slavophile ideologists F.D. Samarin and S.F. Sharapova. Therefore, the propaganda concept of the "Mug" was reduced to the idea - to strengthen the authority of the autocracy and justify the existence of noble land ownership. The main mouthpiece of the "Mug" was the newspaper S.F. Sharapova "Russian business".

Until its self-dissolution in 1912, the "Circle of Moscow nobles loyal to their oath" remained a temporary and uninfluential association. The breakaway part of this "circle", which received the name "Sheremetyev group" (after the name of the organizer) in March 1905 was transformed into Union of Russian people. It was a rather small and closed class organization. In the spring and summer of 1905, the number of its members ranged from 100 to 300 people; in subsequent years, many members of the Union joined more powerful Black Hundred associations, retaining, however, intra-estate corporatism. The small number of members of the Union of Russian people was more than compensated by loud, well-known names in Russia. The backbone of the organization was made up of representatives of ancient aristocratic families: Counts Pavel and Pyotr Sheremetyevs, D.A. Olsufiev, A.A. Bobrinsky, V. Gudovich, princes A.M. Golitsyn, A. and N. Shcherbatov, V. Volkonsky, S. Gagarin, V. Urusov, as well as Archimandrite Anastassy, ​​son of the famous Slavophile D.A. Khomyakov, son and grandson of the poet I.F. and F.I. Tyutchevs, historian D.I. Ilovaisky, priest and publicist Fr. Iosif Fudel, Academician A.M. Sobolevsky and other famous Moscow figures.

In the charter of the Union of Russian People, its goals were determined exclusively by the Uvarov triad: to promote, by legal means, the correct development of the principles of Russian churchhood, Russian statehood and the Russian national economy on the basis of Orthodoxy, autocracy and Russian nationality.

Despite such a large composition of wealthy aristocrats, the Union of Russian People was not successful in organizing its party press organs. To some extent, unofficially, the ideas of the Union were propagated by the daily political and literary newspaper of history professor D.I. Ilovaisky "Kremlin", published in Moscow from 1897 to 1913. But it was financed by the Moscow merchants and reflected the all-class ideology of the right-wing forces.

The Union's own publications were short-lived. First number "Vremennik of the Union of Russian people" came out March 5, 1906, and the last one (No. 3) on May 30. Most likely, members of the Union, to whom it was sent free of charge, were able to get acquainted with the publication. Weekly "Moscow voice" came out a little over a year: from April 1906 to May 1907.

The Union of Russian People used the possibilities of the local official press. So, the Tambov branch of the Union arose on the basis of the editorial board "Tambov Diocesan Gazette" and made extensive use of the rostrum of the local "Gubernatorskie Vedomosti", publishing articles by members of the Union in them or publishing pamphlets as supplements. Chairman of the Odessa branch of the Union of Russian people N.N. Rodzevich opened his party newspaper "Russian world", and then - "Russian voice". The Kiev branch published a newspaper "Voice of the Russian".

The press of noble political associations cannot be attributed to the type of mass publications. For the most part, the newspapers and Vestniki of these organizations carried out intra-party functions, serving to publish reports, orientation speeches by leaders, discussion materials, reports, and letters. Ideologically, the press of the noble organizations differed only in nuances: the press of the "Russian Assembly", like the whole organization, was closer to government circles, criticized the bureaucracy less and called for reform; publications of the "Circle of Moscow nobles, faithful to the oath" gravitated towards the Slavophile ideology and were more critical of the government, demanding tougher measures in upholding the foundations of autocracy and noble land tenure; the few publications of the Union of Russian People did not deny the need for some reforms and were oriented towards an out-of-class association of all right-wing forces.

However, practical steps towards this kind of unification were taken only "Moskovskie Vedomosti" headed by V.A. Gringmuth. It was this newspaper that was chosen for massive Zubatov propaganda among the workers. And it was Moskovskiye Vedomosti, together with the head of the Moscow security department, Zubatov, who initiated the creation of the Independent Patriotic Society of Monarchist Workers. In work constituent assembly this society, in addition to V.A. Gringmut, the editor of the newspaper "Light" V.V. Komarov, editor of Russkiy Vestnik Syromyatnikov, editor-publisher of the humorous magazine Oskolki Leikin, Velichko, an employee of Novoe Vremya, and others. Letters from monarchist workers were placed on the pages of Moskovskie Vedomosti with calls to join their society and fight together against the rebels .

Prime Minister S.Yu. Witte Gringmuth called the state villain, through whose fault factories and plants appeared in Russia, and with them the labor issue.

In the events of January 9, 1905, Moskovskiye Vedomosti presciently caught the beginning of the revolution. The newspaper urged the government to immediately continue "its activities to resolve the labor issue, which had slowed down at the very first steps." “What is needed is that organization,” said the leading article of Moskovskiye Vedomosti, “which is necessary for the workers and the authorities to determine the needs of the workers, to enable correct relations with employers. Wherever such organizations are created, the working class fights for its true interests and no longer may be involved in riots."

Gringmuth's hint about the government's first steps in resolving the labor issue did not at all refer to any indulgences or reforms in this area. It was about the broad involvement of workers in the big monarchist party conceived in circles close to the tsar. The author of the "project" was P.I. Rachkovsky. He was joined by: Minister of the Interior P.N. Durnovo, General Gerasimov, Stanchinsky, Deputy Minister of the Interior Lykoshin, Moscow priest John Vostorgov, Count Darrer from Kursk, engineer V.P. Sokolov and Grand Dukes Nikolai Nikolaevich and Vladimir Alexandrovich.

Gringmuth did not wait for decisive action by the government and in February 1905 announced the creation of the Russian Monarchist Party, the central bureau of which was formed under the editorial staff of Moskovskie Vedomosti. At that time, the newspaper resembled a military headquarters: simple, bureaucratic and high-ranking people crowded here. The pages of the newspaper were filled with letters of support and requests for the expulsion of patriotic literature.

In the article "Organization of the Monarchist Party," the newspaper reported on the unification of revolutionary destructive forces in the country and called for a single, strong monarchist party to oppose anarchy, "to create a common all-Russian squad around the tsar's throne." Offering his newspaper as a unifying center, Gringmuth wrote: "Moskovskiye Vedomosti" for more than forty years has always consistently called the government's policy of concessions to revolutionary demands a policy of pitiful impotence, causing not a decrease, but a more daring strengthening of these demands ". And further it was argued that no representation can claim that it is the opinion of the people and expresses their interests.The tsar himself is the representative of the people and responsible for him before God, the publicist emphasized.

“There are two ways before the government,” the newspaper wrote, “either the immediate, merciless destruction of sedition, or ... But it’s scary to even think about the second way ... Resolute people must be called to power ...” . Later, in the article "Two Dictatorships," Gringmuth wrote: "All paths now lead to dictatorship; it has become inevitable anyway. The question now is what kind of dictatorship will be established in Russia."

Moskovskiye Vedomosti increasingly reported on the creation of various small societies, circles, and unions. For example, at the end of January 1905, it was reported about the emergence of a "society of banner-bearers" at the Prince Vladimir Church in Moscow, which included peasants, workers, small merchants, artisans, cabbies, janitors.

On behalf of the Russian monarchist party, Moskovskiye Vedomosti printed an appeal to the Russian people: "Converge everywhere, in all cities, get to know each other and unite in the name of the Orthodox Church, the Autocratic Tsar and the Russian people, and the enemies will not overcome us." In fact, Moskovskiye Vedomosti, headed by Gringmuth and his Russian Monarchist Party, became the organizer of the fighting squads of the Black Hundreds, who carried out counter-revolutionary pogroms after the Tsar's Manifesto on October 17, 1905. The Moskovskiye Vedomosti Manifesto itself was assessed as "just a helpless response to anarchy" .

On the eve of "Moskovskie Vedomosti" published a call from the Union of Russian people to all loyal subjects of the Russian Tsar to create order committees at each parish. To do this, it was proposed to form such committees on Sunday, October 16, after the Divine Liturgy, and thus turn churches into strongholds of opposition to sedition. In turn, the committees were to create, at each arrival, squads of order, designed to directly combat the unrest. In the same issue, a speech by Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky) of Moscow was published, in which "atheist revolutionaries" were condemned. Vladyka demanded from every believer: "Do what the king's servants require of you, what the pastors of the church tell you."

However, not all pastors agreed with Vladyka: a group of professors from the Moscow Theological Academy in Russkiye Vedomosti called the Metropolitan’s appeal a Black Hundred agitation, 79 priests in a public statement dared to disagree with their archpastor, and even Holy Synod expressed his mild, but censure.

At the same time, many priests and bishops took an active part in the conservative monarchist movement: Archbishop Anthony (Khrapovitsky), Bishop Eugene (Georgievsky), Hegumen Vitaly (Maximenko), Archimandrite Macarius (Gnevushev), Archpriest John Vostorgov and others.

In October 1905, the charter and program of the Russian Monarchist Party were published in Moskovskie Vedomosti. It was headed by V.A. Gringmuth, I.I. Vostorgov, Prince D.N. Dolgorukov and Baron G.G. Rosen. According to the charter, all adult Russian subjects could become members of the party, without distinction of estates, fortunes and religions, except for Jews. In the program, in particular, the provisions were fixed: on the "salvation" of the tsar from the influence of high-ranking bureaucrats - "reformers" and the wavering part of the court, "pulling the tsar to the constitution"; unacceptability of any changes in the system of power; the exaltation of the Orthodox Church; preservation of the estate system; streamlining of local self-government; moral, national education of youth, etc. The status of the newspaper was also fixed in the program: "The Monarchist Party is simultaneously organized in various cities and villages Russian Empire, but its center is in Moscow, where the organ of the monarchist party "Moskovskie Vedomosti" is published. Under the editorial office of this newspaper, for the first time, a Central Bureau was organized, which focused on accepting applications for joining the monarchist party and directing its actions, as well as an election committee to conduct the upcoming election campaign. they did not recognize the very right of the existence of any legislative, and even more so legislative, body in autocratic Russia. Therefore, from the first days of the State Duma's work, in the "cap" of the front page, the appeal appeared daily and invariably: "And above all, the Duma must be dissolved! ". The result of the great preliminary work done by Gringmuth and Vostorgov was the emergence of branches of the monarchist party in more than 60 cities.

In February 1907, Gringmuth was elected chairman of the autonomous Moscow Union of the Russian People with the simultaneous leadership of the Russian Monarchist Party. Moskovskie Vedomosti served two parties and provided assistance to other monarchist associations.

In 1907 V.A. Gringmuth rented a university printing house, where he printed materials from all right-wing organizations. In addition, the Moscow monarchists, led by Gringmuth, provided extensive material support to numerous right-wing newspapers and magazines in the provinces. "... We," wrote I.I. Vostorgov on behalf of the parties led by Gringmuth, "will try to provide material assistance to the following publications:" Tverskoye Povolzhye "," Susanin "(in Krasnoyarsk)," Nabat "(in Simferopol)," Russian people" (in Yaroslavl), "Peaceful Labor" (in Kharkov), "Kursk true story" ... In addition, millions of copies of brochures, leaflets, books, including The former director of this department, A. A. Lopukhin, reported that during the period of the first Russian revolution, counter-revolutionary appeals signed by the workers, printed in the printing houses of the department, were distributed in Moscow through V. A. Gringmuth.

Moskovskie Vedomosti treated government officials ambiguously, or rather, unambiguously from the standpoint of the program of the Russian Monarchist Party. In paragraph X of the program, it was written: "The public service must stand high and honestly; only persons who sacredly, strictly and disinterestedly fulfill their duty to the Autocratic Tsar and the Fatherland" can be the servants of the tsar. However, the program noted, “In all spheres there are persons who violate the laws of the state or indulge their violators out of cowardice and self-interest, thereby contributing to the lowering of the Government’s authority and the corruption of society, they, moreover, cause incalculable harm to the state. The Monarchist Party indignantly rejects these unfaithful and crafty servants of the king ... ". The authors of the program believe that Russia can be freed from “bad bureaucracy” only by a monarch unlimited in his power”, “a fair trial, to which all faulty and especially greedy officials, even if they occupied the highest official positions in State. The right to initiate in the matter of such attraction must be secured for every loyal subject.

It was precisely this "right of initiative" that Moskovskiye Vedomosti made extensive use of in denouncing liberalizing or dishonest tsarist dignitaries.

At the same time, the program of the Monarchist Party expressed clear support for the agrarian policy of P.A. Stolypin. Therefore, when the appeal "Orthodox Russian people!" and a sharp "Open Letter to the Government", then printed out as individual leaflets in hundreds of thousands of copies, Gringmuth was brought to trial, Stolypin expressed clear dissatisfaction with the actions of the Moscow administration. The mayor of Moscow justified himself by the ostentatious nature of the measure of restraint: “... By initiating legal prosecution against Moskovskie Vedomosti, I significantly expand the field for further influence on the press of the opposite direction, and the usual reproach in public spheres that the authorities seem to turn a blind eye to exciting article of the reactionary press, but pursues only the liberal one, there is no place left.

V.A. Gringmuth is rightfully considered one of the main ideologists of the Black Hundred movement. In the article “The Guide of the Black Hundred Monarchist,” he defines the essence of this movement as follows: “The Black Hundred” is thousands, millions, this is the entire Orthodox people, remaining faithful to the oath to the unlimited Autocratic Tsar. "? Yes, very honorable. The Nizhny Novgorod Black Hundred, gathered around Minin, saved Moscow and all of Russia from the Poles and Russian traitors, and this glorious Black Hundred was joined by Prince Pozharsky with Russian boyars loyal to the Tsar. All of them were real "Black Hundreds", and all of them, like the current "Black Hundreds-monarchists", came to the defense of the Orthodox monarch, the Autocratic Tsar.

Indeed, the definition of "black hundred" originally had the most innocent meaning. The "Black Hundreds" included the townspeople of a Russian medieval city.

For Gringmuth and Moskovskie Vedomosti, the Jews unequivocally acted as enemies of Orthodoxy, autocracy and the Russian people. This "dislike" for the Jews was transferred to all party leaders to the left of the Black Hundreds. Therefore, on the pages of Moskovskie Vedomosti, as, indeed, in other monarchist publications, epithets have become commonplace: "Christ-sellers", "corrupt mercenaries", "traitors of Russia", "intelligentsia riff-raff" and so on. However, Moskovskie Vedomosti has always emphasized the peacekeeping nature of the right-wing movement. In one of his speeches, Gringmuth urged his like-minded people: “Never dare to think about it, remember that anyone who fights for a well-known idea will never kill, otherwise he will sign that he does not believe in the triumph of his idea. Indeed a viable, truly holy idea can only be irrigated with the blood of its adherents.Each new sacrifice from our ranks brings us closer to victory, but let him be ashamed who thinks to raise a fratricidal hand against his enemy: by doing so, he will put a shameful stain on our holy cause! littering it with our corpses and not yielding one iota of our beliefs, we will reach our goal, we will win."

The leader of the Russian monarchists formulated these goals as follows: “If the Union of the Russian people were limited only to political activity, for example, elections to the State Duma, then its significance would be transient and temporary. But our Union has an incomparably higher and eternal goal: national, religious and moral revival of the Russian people, in order to make it so conscious and strong that neither external nor internal enemies could even come under any attack on the glory, integrity and power of Russia.

The censors of the Moscow Committee for the Press in their review for 1907 noted that with a circulation of 5,000 copies, "Moscow's oldest newspaper achieved its greatest influence, reminiscent of the brightest years of M.N. Katkov's editorship ... Having made its newspaper an organ of monarchist organizations , he (Gringmuth) printed in it their appeals, reports and notices of fundraising ... A significant sensation was aroused by the very short but lively satirical notes of the editor himself - "Professor Barrikadov's Notebook", describing the agitational and revolutionary activities of a fictitious professor inciting young students to all sorts of active actions of an anti-state nature.

"Moskovskie Vedomosti" was recognized as an organ of the All-People's Russian Union, its editors took an active part in organizing the All-Russian Congresses of the United Russian People, receiving and publishing telegrams addressed to the congresses.

Gringmuth regarded the right-wing movement as non-partisan, as he believed that there could be no monarchist party in an autocratic state. He said that the Union of the Russian people is nothing but the Russian people themselves, united in a common alliance of many millions to defend their church, their tsar and their homeland.

A native of Germany, V.A. Gringmuth was one of the most devoted and adamant adherents of Russian Orthodox and autocratic statehood. A well-educated person, a bright publicist, and an energetic public figure, he did a lot to unite the right-wing forces, although the laurels of unifiers went to others. His Moskovskiye Vedomosti, like the Social-Democratic Iskra, the Socialist-Revolutionary Russia, and the Kadet Osvobozhdenie, were the pivot around which the political movement monarchists. He was the leader of this movement, and the newspaper was the tribune of the leader. It was Gringmuth, as Russkoe Znamya wrote, who was "the first worker and chief architect of this colossal building, the main executor of this laborious work. When a revolutionary movement broke out in Moscow, when the Russian people ... hearing the shots of the Brownings ... in their homes, - the editor of Moskovskie Vedomosti stepped forward and shouted a cry to everyone who did not sneer at the word "patriot", who did not lose faith in the Russian nation and did not applaud the crowd of political brawlers with red flags: "Unite and assemble, Russian people !" And while he lived and worked, everything went to the fact that numerous monarchist, nationalist and simply conservative organizations and unions would unite into a single force.

Union of the Russian people took shape in early November 1905 on the wave of already fading Jewish and anti-revolutionary pogroms from numerous small monarchist, nationalist, patriotic organizations and simply from spontaneously formed fighting squads. It was an out-of-class organization, into which social elements, by their nature not associated with autocracy, but in need of it and dependent on landownership, as well as masses of declassed elements, poured in.

The union quickly grew with provincial organizations, which in 1906-1907. there were more than 3,000. The social basis of the Union was made up of the most diverse elements: conservative landowners, representatives of the big and small bourgeoisie, merchants, artisans, people from the countryside, and "backward" workers. The size of the organization grew in direct proportion to the decline of the revolutionary movement. According to various estimates, in the summer of 1906 there were 253 thousand members of the Union, and by the end of 1907 - 410 thousand people. According to the police department, there were about 500,000 Black Hundreds. And the Black Hundreds themselves numbered up to three million in their ranks. But even minimal figures indicate that the Union at the end of the revolution of 1905-1907. was the largest political organization in Russia.

The main organ of the Union of the Russian people was the newspaper "Russian banner". Its typological and content concept was built on the basis of the statutory and program guidelines of the Union. In the charter, the purpose of the Union was defined as follows: "the development of national Russian self-consciousness and the strong unification of Russian people of all classes and conditions for common work for the benefit of our dear Fatherland - Russia, united and indivisible."

The program of the Union of the Russian People was laconic, written in the form of an appeal (“Russian people!”), understandable for all social strata and elements that make up the Union. In basic terms, it boiled down to the following provisions: the inviolability of royal power; legislative Duma, but with the right to control the activities of ministers; the responsibility of ministers and each official "for any irregularity in the affairs of the service, according to complaints of injured individuals brought to the prosecutor's supervision."

This framework was adhered to by the "Russian Banner" in its agitation and propaganda activities. The first issues were edited by the chairman of the Union A.I. Dubrovin, then the editors were I.S. Durnovo, A.I. Trishatny, P.F. Bulazel. The newspaper was published with a circulation of 3 to 14.5 thousand copies at first weekly, and since 1906 - daily. Subscription to it did not cover even 25% of the costs. During the years of the first Russian revolution, P.A. Stolypin allocated 15 thousand rubles for the needs of the Union and its newspapers. per month. But after the anti-government articles in the Russian Banner, the government source of funding dried up, and all the financial hardships fell on the shoulders of a convinced monarchist, the widow of a merchant E.A. Poluboyarinova, who spent up to 60 thousand rubles annually on the publication.

The Russian Banner opened its first issue (November 27, 1905) with an appeal "To the Russian Army. From the Union of the Russian People", in which it opposed anti-government propaganda and "all the intrigues of the villains anarchists and revolutionaries who encroached on the Orthodox Faith, integrity and unity Russia, rebelling against the Tsar and the Law! and urged Russian soldiers not to forget their fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers who shed blood for them.

In the leading article of the same issue, the left-wing publications Novaya Zhizn, Nachalo, Son Otechestva, and others, which were "rejoicing" over the workers' strikes, were subjected to angry criticism. "Can the listed papers continue to exist at all?" - put the question "Russian banner", addressed, obviously, to the authorities. The newspaper explained to its readers "what autocracy is and whether the Russian people need it", and in the article "On friends and traitors" it called: "For faith, for the Tsar, for the Motherland!", "Down with strikes!", "Russia - for Russians!" Such slogans will be characteristic of all publications of the Union of the Russian People.

Another characteristic feature of all the Black Hundred publications was their speeches against the Jews and their defenders - the intellectuals from the left parties. Not the last violin in this anti-Semitic orchestra was the Russian Banner.

The State Duma for the Union of the Russian People, headed by A.I. Dubrovin was an enemy body, infringing on the autocratic power of the tsar, a gathering place for revolutionaries. Therefore, neither Dubrovin himself nor his closest associates took part in the elections to the Duma. The publicists of the "Russian Banner" constantly advocated the dispersal of the Duma, while not shying away from the methods of political blackmail. So, in November 1906, Mr. Main advice The Union published in the "Russian Banner" a statement that it disclaims responsibility for the pogroms that could occur in the event of a positive question in the Duma on expanding the rights of Jews.

The question of the dissolution of the Duma was constantly discussed in Russkoye Znamya. All such publications of the "Russian Banner" were accompanied by letters about an alleged assassination attempt on the tsar. At the same time, sharp epigrams were printed on deputies - members of opposition parties and participants in the revolutionary movement. The background to all this was notes on the growth of activity of numerous organizations of the Union of the Russian people.

In St. Petersburg, other private newspapers were also published, which stood on the positions of the Union of the Russian People. Since 1905, a newspaper has been published "An association", which, by definition of censorship, had a conservative direction. "The editorial board itself claimed that" Association "does not belong to any party. However, on weekends, on Mondays, the editors of the" Russian Banner "sent to their subscribers precisely" Association ". In the printing house of the Ministry of Internal Affairs newspaper was printed "Russian reading" and her weekly supplement "Collection of Russian reading"(editor-publisher D. Dubensky). Here, on eight pages of A4 format, patriotic and Christmas stories and stories, humoresques, cartoons, anecdotes, and useful tips were published. Here is an example from the "Jokes and Laughter" column: "Everyone knows who the "cadets" are. These "best people" are good. In fact, look: here is a liar lawyer, a Finn, a Jew, a Georgian, an Armenian. Everyone cares to the "cadets", they will benefit everyone, only they forgot about the Russians and even consider it shameful to be called "Russian".

The well-known conservative publicist of that time A.A. also spoke on the propaganda field of the Union of the Russian People. Bashmakov, who published from October 1905 to May 1906. Petersburg daily newspaper "Voice of the People".

The Moscow Autonomous Union of the Russian People was no less actively engaged in publishing than its St. Petersburg counterparts. The newspaper appeared in February 1905 "King and people" immediately adopted the style and rhetoric that became characteristic of the entire Black Hundred press. About Bloody Sunday, the newspaper wrote: “Political hooligans have come to life, the hydra of international anarchy has raised its head ... Enough! This was accompanied by an article in the spirit of the unforgettable M.N. Katkova - "Get up: Power is coming!" .

The newspaper "Tsar and the People" became the forerunner of that type of Black Hundred publication, which combined tabloid unbridledness and an orientation towards unpretentious, poorly educated masses, political agitation for an autocratic-Orthodox system, undisguised chauvinism and fierce anti-Semitism. A prominent representative of this type of Black Hundred publication was the newspaper "Veche", - as the subtitle says, "an organ of Russian monarchist allies. A publication of the Moscow Union of the Russian people." True, until 1909 it was published as a private publication of the Olovennikovs.

The first issue of the newspaper came out on December 11, 1905 underground. In revolutionary Moscow, engulfed in an armed uprising, to declare itself officially a Black Hundred publication was like death. But the new underground leaflet was sorted out, as the editors themselves recalled, "like hot cakes." This "underground" period was forever immortalized" in the "memorial inscription" next to the headline: "The newspaper was founded by V.V. Olovennikov on December 5, 1905, during the days of the armed uprising in Moscow.

The newspaper was published in A3 format on four pages. In January-February 1906, it changed its names ("Back", "Moscow Veche", "Our Veche"), until February 13 it returned to its original name. Newspaper circulation in 1905-1908 reached 25-30 thousand copies. The newspaper was distributed throughout Russia.

Officials of the Moscow censorship department wrote in 1907 about the newspaper "Veche": "The newspaper is of the direction of a highly patriotic, but of the most Black Hundred shade, and the Jews are ridiculed in caricatures, always drawn smartly and talentedly, they are denounced in articles, notes and messages ... Expect In order for this newspaper to turn into a decent organ, it is impossible, and hardly desirable; it has its own circle of readers, and acts on it in general beneficially, protecting it from being carried away by seditious ideas, instilling respect for the Russian people and holding high the banner of Orthodoxy and autocracy ".

Despite such a "positive" response from the Moscow Press Committee, "Veche" was repeatedly subjected to censorship. At the beginning of 1907, the editor V.V. Olovennikov was expelled from Moscow, and the newspaper was administratively closed after sharp attacks on the St. Petersburg Metropolitan Anthony (Vadkovsky).

Large regional departments of the Union of the Russian people published local newspapers. Researchers name 33 official and unofficial organs of the Union that appeared in the provinces: "Sea Wave" (Vilna, 1907-1910), "Sychevskaya Gazeta" (1907), "Russian People" (Yaroslavl, 1906-1910), "Voice of Rybinsk" ( 1907), "Glazov speech" (1912-1913), "Kursk true story" (1906-1917), "Eagle" (1911-1916), "Voice of order" (Yelets, 1907, 1909-1917), "Minin" ( N. Novgorod, 1906-1907), "Kozma Minin" (N. Novgorod, 1909-1917), "Minin Sukhoruk" (N. Novgorod, 1911), "Minin's Voice" (N. Novgorod, 1911-1913), " Permyak" (1908), "Self-Defense" (Yekaterinburg, 1912-1913), "Susanin" (Krasnoyarsk, 1907-1914), "Ogloblya" (Krasnoyarsk, 1911-1912), "Sibirskaya Pravda" (Tomsk), "Banner" (Rostov n / a, 1907), "Veche of the capital city of Kiev" (1907), "Kiev club" (1907), "Voice of the people" (Kharkov, 1906-1907), "Black Hundred" (Kharkov, 1907), " Pochaev News" (1906-1909), "Pochaev Leaf" (1909-1917), "Blagovest" (Lubny, 1909-1913), "Russian Bogatyr" (Nikolaev, 1906-1907), "Nabat" (Simferopol, 1907- 1909), "Living Stream" ( Sevastopol, 1909), "Bessarabets" (Kishinev, 1897-1906, 1912), "Black Hundreds" (Kazan, 1906-1907)", "Odessa rubber" (1908-1909), "For the Tsar and Motherland" (Odessa, 1906 -1910), "Odessa Bulletin" (1910-1914), etc.

Undoubtedly, one of the oldest major monarchist newspapers adjoined this "pleiade" "Kiev". Its editor-publisher was a member of the State Council, Professor D.I. Pihno. Back in the early 900s, Kievlyanin and Kharkov's Yuzhny Krai, two provincial newspapers throughout Russia, contrary to the charter on censorship and the press, were exempted from preliminary censorship for the purely official nature of their speeches and special merits in carrying out the Russification policy of the government on Ukraine. In his youth, D.I. Pikhno actively collaborated in Katkov's Moskovskie Vedomosti and Aksakov's Rus. In 1905, as S.Yu. Witte, Pikhno “immediately, like a madman, rushed to the right side and, having become an adherent of the Union of the Russian People, began to preach the most extreme reactionary thoughts in the Kievan. In fact, D.I. Pikhno was not only an adherent, he headed the Kiev branch of the Union of the Russian People, and although he did not make his newspaper the official organ of the Union and even denied its party affiliation, Kievlyanin followed the line of Black Hundred propaganda.

Among the provincial organizations, the Odessa department of the Union of the Russian People, headed by Count A.I. Konovnitsyn. Konovnitsyn was also the editor-publisher of the newspaper "For the Tsar and the Motherland". The newspaper was published in Odessa in 1906-1910, but was popular and was sent to many Black Hundred organizations in other regions. Therefore, the type of publication is of particular interest.

The newspaper was published in A2 format on four pages. The design of the title took up a third of the first page and consisted of a picture that symbolized the triad "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality." At the top in the center of this magnificent composition under the church dome framed with banners, the symbols of royal power were depicted: a crown, a scepter and an orb. Along the edges - St. Basil's Cathedral in Moscow and, obviously, the Odessa Cathedral. On the right hung a banner with the face of a saint. On the left was a Russian warrior-hero with a sword, shield and royal standard in his hands; on the ribbons the inscription: "God is with us." The hero crushes a snake with his boot, symbolizing the enemy. In the center of the composition, the heading, stylized as a Slavic font, is "For the Tsar and the Motherland." Below is the badge of the Union of the Russian People.

The newspaper "For the Tsar and the Motherland" is strictly sustained in the spirit of the program provisions of the Union of the Russian People. The correspondence “Again Disgrace with Russian Newspapers” described another case of an attack by hooligans on a peddler of monarchist newspapers, who “crumpled and tore more than 30 copies of her, threatening her that if she continued to sell our newspaper, they would beat her and tear up the paper every time. And, of course, behind these cases, the newspaper, as always, saw the intrigues of the Jews.

In the section "feuilleton" there is a poem, helpless in the sense of poetry, but ideologically sustained, calling on all classes of Russian people to join the ranks of the Black Hundreds:

"All Russians need to unite,

Show your power to everyone;

To merge with our Union,

Everything to drive away sedition."

A large article "The Moscow Uprising. (December 1905) According to the Revolutionaries" was also published here. It describes the confusion in the ranks of the rebels. The Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries understood tactical tasks in their own way, their leaders gave contradictory commands, no one knew military affairs. The workers were warmed up by rallies and the construction of barricades, they were deceived by rumors that the troops had gone over to the side of the rebels, and so on. The author of the article concludes that the bloody massacre organized by the revolutionaries, who used the workers as cannon fodder, is senseless.

The newspaper "For the Tsar and the Motherland" was an interregional publication and served one of the largest organizations of the Union of the Russian People. Most of the local branches of the Union were less numerous, and their newspapers were much more modest in terms of volume, circulation, periodicity.

Typical for such publications was the weekly newspaper of the Rostov-on-Don department of the Union of the Russian People "Banner". The department of the Union itself was opened on November 5, 1906. L.G. Epifanovich, "famous" for the fact that his book "Jews, their worldview and social activity" (Novocherkassk, 1908), published by the department, was arrested by the Rostov press inspector V.A. Kansky, initiating criminal prosecution against the author. The publication was banned not because of speeches against the Jews themselves, but because of judgments that were insulting to the government and its bodies, which could arouse in the population a hostile attitude towards government institutions. The Nakazny ataman, the chairman of the Union A.I. were involved in the conflict. Dubrovin, Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod and even Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin.

The first issue of the newspaper "Styag" was published on May 25, 1907 under the headline "The Duma must be dissolved immediately! The elective body must be changed!" In the leading article of this issue, declaring itself to be an "archipal-right newspaper," "Styag" promised its readers to crack down on "left-wing comrades in writing" - "toadies from the revolution." And the newspaper opens on its pages a constant persecution of all more or less liberal Rostov newspapers.

Placing a call for rallying in combat squads, the newspaper immediately places a kind of " legal advice", which is spread out in large print on a third of the page: "Note to the Allies: by virtue of the 1471st Art. of the Penal Code "death murder is not charged with a crime when it was a consequence of the defense of one's own life permitted by law." And then comes a frightening comment: "This must be firmly remembered, and then all the Jews and many robbers of "freedom" will lose their desire to openly kill, maim and beat us, people who are faithful to the oath!"

The pseudo-epic poem in prose "Before the Storm", apparently inspired by Gorky's "Petrel", describes in allegorical form the vague revolutionary time: "Was it somewhere, the sun was clear, red, bright, quiet days? They brought bitter grief with them. Bitter grief, dashing hardships - storm and rain... Cries dear, cries holy Russia, protected by the Lord God. Evil bad weather - black sedition - gloomy clouds hung ... "

Further, the author claims that the autocratic eagle is not afraid of any crows, as long as his faithful falcons and gyrfalcons (read Black Hundreds) are next to him: "Spreading its wings wide, the two-headed eagle soared, and everything bowed before him, he was his enemies in the azure skies terrible and great!

An evil kite was circling above him in an envious flock, but their rebellious, treacherous scream was not terrible for the Eagle. He was their ruler, falcons followed him, gyrfalcons hovered, and their bold cry in the high skies accompanied the native eagle!

But the perfidious kites, taking advantage of the bad weather, again covered the sky with a black cloud. "Everything got mixed up in the fog of bad weather," writes the author. And he appeals to the "defenders of the Fatherland": "Where have you gone - lost you, dear falcons, that your bold call is not heard in bad weather? Where have you gone, lost, dear gyrfalcons, that your bold flight is not visible in bad weather?

Boldly cut through the clouds around the Eagle with your white chest and scatter the thick fog with a flap of your wings! .. ".

Correspondence from Novorossiysk "Mean Time" refers to the murder of "a steadfast fighter for the Faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland" police chief P.N. Kireeva. Accusing the left "liberators" of political assassinations of members of the Union of the Russian People, the author says that the allies stand guard over law and order, seek to appease Russia, therefore they will not "follow killers from around the corner, expropriators and other" comrades " .

The content of the newspaper "Styag" ended with the "Experience of an Explanatory Dictionary for Readers of "Left" Newspapers", among which were named "Southern Telegraph", "Nadezhda" and "Priazovsky Krai". Here are examples from this "dictionary": "Revolutionaries - thieves' people", "Expropriation - robbery", "Foreign element - foreigners", "Intelligentsia - Russian Ivanushki taking chestnuts out of the oven for the Jews", "Black Hundreds - anti-Semites", "Azov the bank is the headquarters of the revolution of the southeast," etc.

Banner came out during the period of the so-called Stolypin reaction. Therefore, both criticism of the government from the right and unbridled attacks on "foreigners" were no longer in favor with the government and local administration. The assistant to the head of the regional gendarmerie department reported to the police department that the publication of the newspaper Styag had been suspended for a month since July 1 for publishing an article in No. turmoil, and the government - in an indifferent attitude towards them.

Approximately the same type of publication was characteristic of other provincial departments of the Union of the Russian People.

Conservative parties made attempts to unite and coordinate the activities of the periodical press of the monarchist direction. On February 14, 1907, during the distribution of press representation in the Duma, the rights of the right-wing press were infringed in favor of "progressive journalists." In response to this, on February 18, a meeting of representatives of the right-wing press took place in the premises of the "Russian Assembly", which established the Union of representatives of the right-wing Russian press. The board of this union included M.L. Shakhovsky (chairman), V.G. Yanchevetsky (secretary), P.F. Bulazel, P.G. Byvalkevich, S.K. Kuzmin, V.M. Skvortsov, N.I. Tour, E.E. Ukhtomsky and V.V. Yarmonkin. 20 metropolitan publications joined the union, it was planned to unite up to 150 newspapers and magazines throughout Russia, including publications of the Octobrists and the Party of Legal Order, to open artels of newspaper peddlers. On April 29 - May 1, 1907, the First All-Russian Congress of the Russian Right Press was held. He set the following tasks: to establish an information bureau for supplying information and correspondence to periodicals; open a network of own shops and kiosks, as well as artels of peddlers for the distribution of publications, organize material support for right-wing Russian newspapers through a centralized collection of donations. If each of the more than 0.5 million subscribers of right-wing newspapers and magazines, wrote "Russian Banner", contributed 10 kopecks. in the fund of the right press, collected 50 thousand rubles. would be enough to get started. However, due to disagreements within the Union, the "case" burst before it had time to turn around.

conclusions

The proclamation of political freedoms, including freedom of the press in the Tsar's Manifesto on October 17, 1905, the release of new temporary rules on the press, the announcement of elections to the State Duma and the elections themselves, the emergence of numerous political parties put the Russian journalism system on a liberal basis.

The political factor has become a backbone for the entire Russian press, including the official government press. A powerful official information subsystem of government publications is being transferred into a political and propaganda channel through the use of a wide range various types officialdom aimed at the peasantry, the liberal-monarchist intelligentsia and the bourgeoisie, their supporters in the provinces, as well as the informational manipulation of public opinion with the help of the government-controlled Information Bureau and telegraph agencies.

In support of the autocracy, numerous conservative parties came forward with their own publications, and above all, the Union of the Russian People.

The content concept of the newspapers of the Union of the Russian People was reduced to a simple problem-thematic model: a positive triad (propaganda of autocracy, Orthodoxy and the Russian people) and a negative triad (fight against revolutionaries - mostly Jews, with reforms and the State Duma, criticism of the "mediastinum between the tsar and people" - bureaucracies, officials, ultimately governments).

In general, the press of the Black Hundreds was a great deterrent in the revolutionization of the masses and an attractive force for the unification of Russian pro-monarchist patriots and nationalists.

Direction of training

230400 "Information systems and technologies"

Training profile

Information and control systems

Qualification (degree) of the graduate

Bachelor

Form of study

Novokuznetsk

Topic 1.1. History of creation and development of automated information systems

Block diagram of terms

Under system understand any object that is simultaneously considered both as a single whole and as a set of heterogeneous elements united in the interests of achieving the goals set. Systems differ significantly from each other both in composition and in main goals.

Example 1 Let us present several systems consisting of different elements and aimed at realizing different goals.

Table 1

The concept of "system" is applied to a set of hardware and software or computer hardware. A system can also be considered a set of programs for solving specific applied problems, supplemented by procedures for maintaining documentation and managing calculations.

The concept of "system" + "information" reflects the purpose of its creation and operation. Information systems ensure the collection, storage, processing, search, and issuance of information necessary in the process of making decisions on tasks from any area. They help analyze problems and create new products.

Information system - an interconnected set of tools, methods and personnel used to store, process and issue information in order to achieve the goal.

The modern understanding of the information system involves the use as the main technical means processing of personal computer information. In large organizations, along with a personal computer, the technical base of the information system may include a supercomputer. In addition, the technical implementation of the information system in itself will mean nothing if the role of the person for whom the produced information is intended and without which it is impossible to receive and present it is not taken into account, therefore

AIS is a human-machine system that provides automated preparation, search and processing of information within the framework of integrated network, computer and communication technologies to optimize economic and other activities in various areas of management.

On this basis, various automatic and automated process control systems are created. A typical example of such systems can serve in communication - an automatic switching station. This system is controlled by technical devices processors or other simpler devices. The human operator is not included in the control loop that closes the connections between the object and the control element, but only monitors the progress technological process and intervenes as necessary (for example, in the event of a failure). Otherwise, the case with automated system production process control. In AS production processes, both the object and the control body is a single human-machine system, a person is necessarily included in the control loop. By definition, AS is a human-machine system designed to collect and process information necessary to control the production process, that is, to manage teams of people. In other words, the success of the functioning of such systems largely depends on the properties and characteristics of the life of the human factor. Without a person, the AS system cannot work independently in production, since a person forms tasks, develops all types of supporting subsystems, and chooses the most rational solution from the computer-produced solutions. And, of course, a person, which is very important, is ultimately legally responsible for the results of the implementation of his decisions. As you can see, the role of a person is huge and irreplaceable. A person organizes a program of preparatory measures before the creation of the AS, therefore, among other things, special organizational and legal support is required.

Stages of AIS development

The history of the development of information systems and the purpose of their use for different periods are presented in Table. 1.1.2.

Table 2. Changing the approach to the use of information systems

Stage 1. The first information systems appeared in the 1950s. During these years, they were intended for processing invoices and payroll, and were implemented on electromechanical accounting calculating machines. This led to some reduction in costs and time for the preparation of paper documents.

Stage 2. 60s are marked by a change in attitudes towards information systems. The information obtained from them began to be used for periodic reporting on many parameters. To do this, organizations needed general-purpose computing equipment capable of handling many functions, and not just processing invoices and calculating payroll, as was the case in the past.

Stage 3. In the 70s - early 80s. information systems are beginning to be widely used as a means of managerial control supporting and accelerating the decision-making process.

Stage 4. By the end of the 90's beginning of 2000. the concept of using information systems is changing again. They become a strategic source of information and are used at all levels of an organization of any profile. Information systems of this period, providing the necessary information in time, help the organization achieve success in its activities, create new products and services, find new markets, provide themselves worthy partners, organize the release of products at a low price and much more.

The impact of AIS on the efficiency of the organization

AIS has an impact on many characteristics of an organization.

Let's consider in more detail the most important of them.

1. Labor productivity (operational efficiency). It has to do with the speed, cost, and quality of performing routine tasks. Transaction processing systems are used by organizations to increase productivity. For example, to manage inventory in a warehouse in order to reduce the costs associated with their maintenance. At the same time, the computer determines the optimal stock of products in the warehouse, monitors the current quantity. Another example is increasing the productivity of office workers with the help of text editors. This reduces the preparation time of the text, especially in cases where the text is revised several times. Also, the manufacturer's productivity in the office is increased through the use of desktop publishing systems and presentation graphics systems.

2. Functional efficiency can be improved through the use of DSS. For example, American Express, a credit card company, uses systems to improve the efficiency of credit approval functions. artificial intelligence. These systems combine the skills of all the best credit managers.

3. Customer service quality. An example is the use of banking machines (ATMs). A normal ATM operates 24 hours a day every day. It allows you to withdraw cash from your account at any time of the day.

4. Creation and improvement of products. Products are of two types: information-intensive and traditional. Information-intensive products are produced in banking, insurance, financial services, etc. Information-intensive products can be created and improved on the basis of modern information technologies.

5. IP opens up an opportunity for a company changing the basis of competition. For example, in the 70s. one major distributor of magazines and newspapers began to record information about weekly deliveries and returns of printed matter from each seller. After that, he used a program that determined the income per unit area of ​​each publication for each seller, then compared the results, grouping them according to economically and ethnically similar areas. After that, the distributor informed each of the sellers of the optimal range of publications for his area. This allowed distributors and retailers to increase their income.

6. Securing customers and alienating competitors. Information systems of competitive advantages(ISCOs) serve the strategic needs of the organization. ISIS provide instant and quick access to information about the most important factors influencing the achievement of the company's objectives. But the main thing is that ISCOs produce such information products and services that help attract customers to their firm at the expense of competitors' customers. For example, bank plastic cards provide more reliable protection against cash theft, so the client often chooses the bank that provides services in the form of plastic cards.

ISKP is actually a complex of many other types of IP. Market conditions require firms, banks, corporations to constantly look for new opportunities to increase competitiveness. AT recent times weighty advantages are created through the use of telecommunications, local, corporate, and global computer networks. Firstly, they allow attracting customers by reducing the time of service or providing them with comfort, and secondly, they improve the quality and efficiency of the work of managers in the decision-making process due to the rapid collection of data from regional divisions and operational data analysis.

Human functions in IS

Any information system implies the participation of people in its work. Among the personnel related to information systems, there are such categories as end users, programmers, system analysts, database administrators, etc.

A programmer is traditionally called a person who writes programs. The person who uses the result of a computer program is called the end user. A systems analyst is a person who assesses the needs of users in the use of a computer and designs information systems that meet these needs.

In the field of economic management, two categories of specialists work with information systems: managing end users and data processing specialists. The end user is the one who uses information system or the information it releases. Data scientists professionally analyze, design and develop the system.

Systems, in relation to the AU, can be classified according to a number of criteria. For example:

1. By hierarchy levels (supersystem, system, subsystem, system element);

2. According to the degree of isolation (closed, open, conditionally closed);

3. By the nature of the ongoing processes in dynamic systems (deterministic, stochastic and probabilistic);

4. By type of connections and elements (simple, complex).

Systems are divided into primitive elementary (automatic control systems are built for them) and large complex ones. Since large and complex systems have the property of invisibility, they can be considered from several points of view. Therefore, there are also many classification features.

AS can be classified:

1. By level:

a. ACS Industry;

b. ACS Production;

c. ACS of the Workshop;

d. ACS of the Site;

e. ACS T P (technological process).

2. By the type of decision made:

a. Information and reference systems that simply report information ("express", "siren", "09");

b. Information-advising (reference) system presents options and evaluations according to various criteria of these options;

c. Information and control system, the output result is not advice, but a control effect on the object.

3. By type of production:

a. ACS with discrete-continuous production;

b. ACS with discrete production;

c. ACS with continuous production.

4. By appointment:

a. Military automated control systems;

b. Economic systems(enterprises, offices, managing power structures);

c. Information retrieval systems.

5. By areas of human activity:

a. medical systems;

b. Ecological systems;

c. Telephone communication systems.

6. By the type of computers used:

a. Digital computers (TsVM);

b. Medium;

c. Minievm, etc.

d. Mobile