Social movement in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Social movements in Russia in the 19th century

In the 19th century in Russia, the socio-political struggle is escalating.

After 1815, the Decembrist movement was born, which was associated with the internal processes that were taking place in Russia at that time. The main reasons for the emergence of revolutionary ideology and secret revolutionary organizations was the understanding that the preservation of autocracy and serfdom is disastrous for the further development of Russia, effective social activity for the good of the country is impossible, and Arakcheev’s reaction did not cause satisfaction. The ideology of the European revolutionaries and the Decembrists, their strategy and tactics largely coincided. The performance of the Decembrists in 1825 is on a par with the European revolutionary processes. The nature of their movement can be defined as bourgeois.

The social movement in Russia had its own specifics. In fact, there was no bourgeoisie in the country capable of fighting for the implementation of democratic reforms. The people were uneducated, for the most part retained monarchical illusions. His political inertia left its mark on the entire political history of Russia until the end. 19th century

Revolutionary ideology, the demand for a deeper modernization of the country in the beginning. 19th century belonged exclusively to the advanced part of the nobility, which essentially opposed the interests of its class. The circle of revolutionaries was extremely limited: mainly representatives of the higher nobility and officer corps. Cut off from all classes and estates of Russia, they were forced to adhere to narrowly conspiratorial tactics, which led to the weakness of the noble revolutionaries and their defeat.

The first political organization in Russia is considered to be the "Union of Salvation", which arose in 1816. A revolutionary program and charter appeared in it for the first time, which received the general name "Statute". The size of the society did not exceed 30 people, which made the goal unattainable: to force the new tsar to give Russia a constitution when the emperors changed. In January 1818, the "Union of Welfare" was created, numbering about 200 people. Shortly after the dissolution of the "Union" in 1821, new Decembrist organizations were created - the Northern and Southern Societies. Both societies were going to act together. These were quite large revolutionary political organizations. Their leaders created several well-developed theoretical projects for the future structure of Russia. The main documents of the Decembrists were the “Constitution” by N.M. Muravyov (1795–1843) and Russkaya Pravda by P.I. Pestel (1793–1826). The "Constitution" reflected the views of the moderate part of the revolutionaries, "Russkaya Pravda" - the radical one.

After the death of Alexander I in November 1825, the leaders of the Northern Society, having decided to take advantage of the situation of the interregnum, developed a plan for an uprising in St. Petersburg. It was scheduled for December 14 - the day the Senate took the oath to Nicholas (1796 - 1855). But the Decembrists chose the senseless tactics of waiting, which led them to defeat. Despite the defeat, the Decembrist movement and their performance were significant phenomena in the history of Russia. For the first time, an attempt was made to change the social and political system, programs for revolutionary transformation and plans for the future structure of the country were developed. The ideas and activities of the Decembrists had a significant impact on the entire subsequent course of Russian history.

Ser. 20s 19th century was a line in the history of the Russian social movement, in which 3 main directions stood out: conservative, liberal and revolutionary.

The conservative (protective) direction sought to preserve the existing system and its "unshakable foundations" - autocracy and serfdom. “The theory of official nationality”, put forward by S.S. Uvarov (1786-1855), opposed the government ideology to the ideas and programs of the Decembrists.

Representatives of the liberal trend preached the need for moderate transformations in an evolutionary way, i.e. through reform and education. Rejecting the revolution, the liberals fought for the deepening of reforms, the expansion of the rights of local self-government, the observance of the rule of law, and the convening of an all-Russian representation. Prominent theorists of liberalism were legal scholars K.D. Kavelin and B.N. Chicherin. Liberal demands in Russia were mainly made not by the bourgeoisie, but by deputies of the noble assemblies and zemstvos, representatives of higher education, the bar and the press. With all the differences in the views of conservatives and liberals, both directions were united by one thing: a resolute rejection of the revolution.

The goal of the revolutionary direction in the social movement was a qualitative leap, a violent transformation of the foundations of the social order. The social base of the revolutionary movement was the Raznochinskaya intelligentsia (come from the impoverished nobility, clergy, petty bourgeoisie), the number and social role of which increased significantly as a result of the reforms of the 1860s and 1870s. The foundations of "Russian socialism" were developed by A.I. Herzen. The peasant community was to become the backbone of the new social order. Left-wing figures: A.I. Herzen (1812–1870), V.G. Belinsky (1811–1848), N.P. Ogarev (1813-1877) leaned towards revolutionary methods of struggle. Members of the circle of V.M. Butashevich-Petrashevsky (1821–1866) and the Cyril and Methodius Society.

In its development, the revolutionary movement of the 2nd floor. 19th century went through a number of stages. 1860s marked by the activities of disparate intellectual circles (the largest group - "Land and Freedom"), who tried to conduct revolutionary propaganda and in some cases resorted to political terror (Fig. 72). At the turn of the 1860-1870s. the ideology of populism is taking shape, in which “rebellious” (M.A. Bakunin), “propaganda” (P.L. Lavrov) and “conspiratorial” (P.N. Tkachev) directions stand out. Having failed during the "going to the people", revolutionary populism passes to terror (the group "Narodnaya Volya") and to the middle. 1880s dies under the blows of the police. The traditional tactics of propaganda were tried to continue by the Black Redistribution group, which was also defeated by the police. In the 1880s - early. 90s populism is dominated by the liberal wing, which sought to realize socialist ideals by peaceful means. In the same years, Marxism began to spread in Russia (the Emancipation of Labor group), which considered the industrial proletariat as the main force of the socialist revolution.

A special position in the social movement was occupied by conservatives (journalists M.N. Katkov and V.P. Meshchersky, publicist K.N. Leontiev, legal scholar and statesman K.P. Pobedonostsev), who opposed both revolutionaries and liberals. According to conservatives, the principles of all-estate and political democracy weakened state power and undermined social stability in Russia. The conservatives were often joined by supporters of the original development of Russia - the late Slavophiles (Yu.F. Samarin, I.S. Aksakov) and the soil (F.M. Dostoevsky, N.N. Strakhov).

Russia approached the peasant reform with an extremely backward and neglected local (zemstvo, as they used to say) economy. Health care practically non-existent in the village. Epidemics claimed thousands of lives. The peasants did not know elementary rules hygiene. Public education could not get out of its infancy. Individual landowners who maintained schools for their peasants closed them immediately after the abolition of serfdom. Nobody cared about country roads. Meanwhile, the state treasury was exhausted, and the government could not raise the local economy on its own. Therefore, it was decided to meet the needs of the liberal public, which petitioned for the introduction of local self-government. On January 1, 1864, the law on zemstvo self-government was approved. It was established to manage economic affairs: the construction and maintenance of local roads, schools, hospitals, almshouses, to organize food assistance to the population in lean years, for agronomic assistance and the collection of statistical information.
The administrative bodies of the zemstvo were provincial and district zemstvo assemblies, and the executive bodies were district and provincial zemstvo councils. To fulfill their tasks, the zemstvos received the right to impose a special tax on the population.

Zemstvo elections were held every three years. In each county, three electoral congresses were created to elect deputies of the county zemstvo assembly.

As a rule, nobles predominated in zemstvo assemblies. Despite conflicts with liberal landlords, the autocracy considered the local nobility to be its main support.

On similar grounds, in 1870, a reform of city self-government was carried out. The issues of improvement, as well as the management of school, medical and charitable affairs, were subject to the patronage of city dumas and councils. Elections to the City Duma were held in three electoral congresses (small, medium and large taxpayers). Workers who did not pay taxes did not participate in the elections. The mayor and the council were elected by the Duma. The mayor headed both the Duma and the Council, coordinating their activities.

Simultaneously with the Zemstvo reform, in 1864, a judicial reform was carried out. Russia received a new court: classless, public, competitive, independent of the administration. Court hearings became open to the public.

"Conservative Modernization" of Alexander III.

The protectionist policy tightened in the late 80s, and especially after 1892, when Sergei Yulievich Witte. With his arrival, the state became more actively involved in the creation of Russian industry and transport. So, in the 80s. the state itself began to build the railway. In 1880-1890. The output of Russia's large-scale industry grew by 36%. In the 80s of the industry, created with the latest Western technology. Thus, Western capitalism was able to arm the tsarist autocracy with tools and means sufficient to modernize the country. But it was worthwhile to refrain from the unjustified idealization of the accomplished renewal. Capitalist production turned out to be unable to embrace, and most importantly, to transform the social economy in its entirety; it also failed to introduce culture.

Formation of the Marxist current in the Russian social movement.

The Marxist movement took shape from the moment Plekhanov created the group " Emancipation of labor"(1883), which began to promote and spread Marxism, to develop the program provisions of the Russian social democracy.

The establishment of militant Marxism in Russia, initiated by Plekhanov, was continued by V.I. Lenin. After becoming a Marxist, Lenin played a huge role in spreading Marxism. As a result of his purposeful work to rally disparate social democratic circles and groups, a Russian Social Democratic Labor Party- RSDLP (the process of forming the party, which covered 1898-1903, ended at the II Congress of the RSDLP). Your nearest goal this party saw in the overthrow of tsarism and the establishment of a democratic republic; the final one - in establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat and building a socialist society.

However, from the very beginning, two factions arose in the RSDLP - extreme left radicals ( Bolsheviks), initially aimed at seizing power, and moderate Marxists ( Mensheviks), guided by the experience of Western socialist parties.

The 19th century in Russia is remarkable in that over a hundred years social thought has gone from a complete understanding of the divinity and infallibility of royal power to an equally complete understanding of the need for fundamental changes in the state system. From the first small groups of conspirators who did not quite clearly imagine the goals and ways to achieve them (Decembrists), to the creation of mass, well-organized parties with specific tasks and plans to achieve them (RSDLP). How did it happen?

Prerequisites

By the beginning of the 19th century, serfdom was the main irritant of social thought. Progressive-minded people of that time, starting with the landowners themselves and ending with members of the royal family, it became clear that serfdom must be urgently abolished. Of course, the bulk of the landowners did not want to change the status quo. In Russia, a new socio-political movement has appeared - this is the movement for the abolition of serfdom.

Thus, the foundations for the organizational design of conservatism and liberalism began to appear. Liberals were in favor of changes initiated by the authorities. The conservatives wanted to keep the status quo. Against the background of the struggle between these two trends, a separate part of society began to have thoughts about the revolutionary reorganization of Russia.

Social and political movements in Russia became more active after the campaign of the Russian army in Europe. Comparison of European realities with life at home was clearly not in favor of Russia. The revolutionary-minded officers who returned from Paris were the first to act.

Decembrists

Already in 1816 in St. Petersburg, these officers formed the first socio-political movement. It was the "Union of Salvation" of 30 people. They clearly saw the goal (the elimination of serfdom and the introduction of a constitutional monarchy) and had no idea at all how this could be achieved. The consequence of this was the collapse of the "Union of Salvation" and the creation in 1818 of a new "Union of Welfare", which already included 200 people.

But due to different views on the future fate of the autocracy, this union lasted only three years and in January 1821 dissolved itself. Its former members in 1821-1822 organized two societies: "Southern" in Little Russia and "Northern" in St. Petersburg. It was their joint performance on Senate Square on December 14, 1825 that later became known as the Decembrist uprising.

Finding ways

The next 10 years in Russia were marked by the harsh reactionary regime of Nicholas I, who sought to suppress any dissent. There was no talk of creating any serious movements and unions. Everything remained at the level of circles. Around the publishers of magazines, metropolitan salons, at universities, among officers and officials, groups of like-minded people gathered to discuss the common sore point for everyone: “What to do?”. But the circles were also quite severely persecuted, which led to the extinction of their activities already in 1835.

Nevertheless, during this period, three main socio-political movements were clearly defined in their attitude towards the regime existing in Russia. These are conservatives, liberals and revolutionaries. The liberals, in turn, were divided into Slavophiles and Westerners. The latter believed that Russia needed to catch up with Europe in its development. Slavophiles, on the contrary, idealized pre-Petrine Rus' and called for a return to the state system of those times.

Abolition of serfdom

By the 1940s, hopes for reforms from the government began to fade. This caused the activation of revolutionary-minded sections of society. Ideas of socialism began to penetrate into Russia from Europe. But the followers of these ideas were arrested, tried and sent into exile and hard labor. By the mid-1950s, there was no one to lead not only active actions, but simply talk about the reorganization of Russia. The most active public figures lived in exile or served hard labor. Who had time - emigrated to Europe.

But the socio-political movements in Russia in the first half of the 19th century still played their role. Alexander II, who ascended the throne in 1856, from the first days spoke about the need to abolish serfdom, took concrete steps to legalize it, and in 1861 signed the historic Manifesto.

Activation of the revolutionaries

However, the half-heartedness of the reforms, which did not justify the expectations of not only the peasants, but also the Russian public in general, caused a new surge of revolutionary sentiment. Proclamations from various authors began to circulate in the country, of the most diverse nature: from moderate appeals to the authorities and society about the need for deeper reforms, to calls for the overthrow of the monarchy and revolutionary dictatorship.

The second half of the 19th century in Russia was marked by the formation of revolutionary organizations that had not only a goal, but also developed plans for their implementation, albeit not always real ones. The first such organization was in 1861 the Union "Land and Freedom". The organization planned to implement its reforms with the help of a peasant uprising. But when it became clear that there would be no revolution, Land and Freedom self-liquidated in early 1864.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the so-called populism developed. Representatives of the intelligentsia that was emerging in Russia believed that in order to accelerate change, it was necessary to appeal directly to the people. But among them, too, there was no unity. Some believed that it was necessary to confine ourselves to enlightening the people and explaining the need for change, and only then talk about the revolution. Others called for the elimination of the centralized state and the anarchic federalization of peasant communities as the basis of the country's social structure. Still others planned to seize power by a well-organized party through a conspiracy. But the peasants did not follow them, and the revolt did not happen.

Then, in 1876, the populists created the first truly large, well-hidden revolutionary organization called "Land and Freedom". But here, too, internal disagreements led to a split. Supporters of terrorism organized the "People's Will", and those who expected to achieve change through propaganda gathered in the "Black Redistribution". But even these socio-political movements did not achieve anything.

In 1881, the Narodnaya Volya assassinated Alexander II. However, the revolutionary explosion they expected did not happen. Neither the peasants nor the workers raised an uprising. Moreover, most of the conspirators were arrested and executed. And after the assassination attempt on Alexander III in 1887, Narodnaya Volya was finally defeated.

Most Active

During these years, the ideas of Marxism began to penetrate into Russia. In 1883, the organization "Emancipation of Labor" was formed in Switzerland under the leadership of G. Plekhanov, who justified the inability of the peasantry to change through the revolution and pinned hope on the working class. Basically, the socio-political movements of the 19th century by the end of the century in Russia were strongly influenced by the ideas of Marx. Propaganda was carried out among the workers, they were called to strikes and strikes. In 1895, V. Lenin and Y. Martov organized the "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class", which became the basis for the further development of various trends in the social democratic trend in Russia.

The liberal opposition, meanwhile, continued to advocate the peaceful implementation of reforms "from above", trying to prevent a revolutionary solution to the problems facing Russian society. Thus, the active role of socio-political movements of a Marxist orientation had a decisive influence on the fate of Russia in the 20th century.

Social movement in Russia in the 19th century

In the 19th century, the ideological and socio-political struggle intensified in Russia. The main reason for its rise was the growing awareness of the entire society of Russia's lagging behind the more advanced Western European countries. In the first quarter of the 19th century, the socio-political struggle was most clearly expressed in the Decembrist movement. Part of the Russian nobility, realizing that the preservation of serfdom and autocracy is disastrous for the future fate of the country, made an attempt to reorganize the state. The Decembrists created secret societies and developed program documents. "Constitution" N.M. Muravyov assumed the introduction of a constitutional monarchy in Russia and the separation of powers. "Russian Truth" P.I. Pestelya proposed a more radical option - the establishment of a parliamentary republic with a presidential form of government. Both programs recognized the need for the complete abolition of serfdom and the introduction of political freedoms. The Decembrists prepared an uprising to seize power. The performance took place on December 14, 1825 in St. Petersburg. But the Decembrist officers were supported by a small number of soldiers and sailors (about 3 thousand people), the leader of the uprising S.P. did not appear on Senate Square. Trubetskoy. The rebels were left without leadership and doomed themselves to senseless waiting tactics. The units loyal to Nicholas I suppressed the uprising. The participants in the conspiracy were arrested, the leaders were executed, and the rest were exiled to hard labor in Siberia or demoted to soldiers. Despite the defeat, the Decembrist uprising became a significant event in Russian history: for the first time a practical attempt was made to change the socio-political system of the country, the ideas of the Decembrists had a significant impact on further development social thought.

In the second quarter of the 19th century, ideological directions were formed in the social movement: conservatives, liberals, radicals.

The conservatives defended the inviolability of autocracy and serfdom. Count S.S. became the ideologist of conservatism. Uvarov. He created the theory of official nationality. It was based on three principles: autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality. Enlightenment ideas about unity, the voluntary union of the sovereign and the people, were refracted in this theory. In the second half of the XIX century. the conservatives fought for the curtailment of the reforms of Alexander II and the implementation of counter-reforms. In foreign policy, they developed the ideas of pan-Slavism - the unity of the Slavic peoples around Russia.

The liberals were in favor of carrying out the necessary reforms in Russia, they wanted to see the country prosperous and powerful in the circle of all European states. To do this, they considered it necessary to change its socio-political system, establish a constitutional monarchy, abolish serfdom, give the peasants small plots of land, and introduce freedom of speech and conscience. The liberal movement was not united. It developed two ideological currents: Slavophilism and Westernism. The Slavophiles exaggerated the national identity of Russia, they idealized the history of pre-Petrine Russia and offered to return to the medieval order. The Westerners proceeded from the fact that Russia should develop in line with European civilization. They sharply criticized the Slavophiles for opposing Russia to Europe and believed that its difference was due to historical backwardness. In the second half of the XIX century. liberals supported the reform of the country, welcomed the development of capitalism and freedom of enterprise, proposed the elimination of class restrictions, and lower redemption payments. The liberals stood for the evolutionary path of development, considering reforms to be the main method of modernizing Russia.

The radicals advocated a radical, radical reorganization of the country: the overthrow of the autocracy and the elimination of private property. In the 30-40s of the nineteenth century. liberals created secret circles that had an educational character. Members of the circles studied domestic and foreign political works, promoted the latest Western philosophy. The activities of the circle M.V. Petrashevsky marked the beginning of the spread of socialist ideas in Russia. Socialist ideas in relation to Russia were developed by A.I. Herzen. He created the theory of communal socialism. In the peasant community A.I. Herzen saw the finished cell of the socialist system. Therefore, he concluded that the Russian peasant, devoid of private property instincts, is quite ready for socialism and that in Russia there is no social basis for the development of capitalism. His theory served as the ideological basis for the activities of the radicals in the 60-70s of the 19th century. This is the time when they are at their peak. Among the radicals, secret organizations arose that set the goal of changing the social system of Russia. To incite an all-Russian peasant revolt, the radicals began to organize visits to the people. The results were negligible. The populists faced tsarist illusions and the possessive psychology of the peasants. Therefore, the radicals come to the idea of ​​a terrorist struggle. They carried out several terrorist acts against representatives of the tsarist administration, and on March 1, 1881. assassinate Alexander II. But the terrorist acts did not justify the expectations of the populists, they only led to an increase in reaction and police arbitrariness in the country. Many radicals were arrested. In general, the activities of radicals in the 70s of the nineteenth century. played a negative role: terrorist acts caused fear in society, destabilized the situation in the country. The terror of the populists played a significant role in curtailing the reforms of Alexander II and to a large extent slowed down evolutionary development Russia,

Content. I. Socio-political development of Russia in the first half of the 19th century. Path choice community development 1. Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century. 2. The movement of the Decembrists. 3. Social movements in Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century. 4. National liberation movements II. Socio-political development of Russia in the second half of the XIX century. 1. Peasant movement 2. Liberal movement 3. Social movement 4. Polish uprising 1863 5. labor movement 6. The revolutionary movement in the 80s - early 90s. | | | Socio-political development of Russia in the first half of the XIX century. | Choice of path | | public development | | | | | | | | | Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the XIX century. | | | | | The first years of the reign of Alexander I were marked by a noticeable revival | | public life. | Topical issues of domestic and foreign policy | | states were discussed in scientific and literary societies, in student circles | | | and teachers, in secular salons and Masonic lodges. | Center | | public attention was related to the French Revolution, the serf | | | law and autocracy. | | Removal of the ban on the activities of private printing houses, permission to import books | | from abroad, the adoption of a new censorship charter (1804) - all this had | | | significant impact on the further dissemination of European ideas in Russia | | | Enlightenment. | Enlightenment goals were set by IP Pnin, VV | | Popugaev, A. X. Vostokov, A. P. Kunitsyn, who created the Volnoe in St. Petersburg | | society of lovers of literature, sciences and arts (1801-1825). Being under | | strongly influenced by the views of Radishchev, they translated the works of Voltaire, Diderot, | | | Montesquieu, published articles and literary works. | | Supporters of various ideological directions began to group around new | | | magazines. The Vestnik Evropy, published by N. M., was popular | | Karamzin, and then V. A. Zhukovsky. | | Most Russian educators considered it necessary to reform | | autocratic rule and abolish serfdom. | However, they were only | | | a small part of society and, in addition, remembering the horrors of the Jacobin terror, | | | hoped to achieve their goal peacefully, through education, moral | | | education and formation of civic consciousness. | | | The bulk of the nobility and officials was set up conservatively. Views| | most are reflected in the "Note on ancient and new Russia" NM | | Karamzin (1811). Recognizing the need for change, Karamzin opposed | | plan for constitutional reforms, since Russia, where "the sovereign is alive | | law, we need not a constitution, but fifty "smart and virtuous | | governors. | | A huge role in the development of national consciousness was played by the Patriotic War | | 1812 and foreign campaigns of the Russian army. | The country experienced a huge | | patriotic upsurge in the people and in society revived hopes for broad | | | transformation, everyone was waiting for a change for the better - and did not wait. First | | disappointed peasants. Heroic participants in the battles, saviors of the Fatherland, they | | hoped to get freedom, but from the manifesto on the occasion of the victory over Napoleon | | |(1814) heard: | | "Peasants, our faithful people - let them receive their reward from God." By country | swept a wave of peasant uprisings, the number of which in the post-war | | | period increased. | In total, according to incomplete data, about 280 | | peasant unrest, and about 2/3 of them - in 1813-1820. Especially | | long and fierce was the movement on the Don (1818-1820), which was | | | involved more than 45 thousand peasants. | Constant unrest was accompanied by | | | the introduction of military settlements. | One of the largest was the uprising in Chuguev in the summer | | 1819 | | Growing dissatisfaction in the army, which consisted for the most part recruited through | | | recruiting sets of peasants. | An unheard of event was the indignation of the Guards | | Semenovsky regiment, whose chief was the emperor. In October 1820 soldiers | | Regiment, driven to despair by harassment from his regimental | | | commander F. E. Schwartz, filed a complaint against him and refused to obey his | | | officers. On the personal instructions of Alexander I, the nine "guilty" were banished | | through the system, and then exiled to Siberia, the regiment was disbanded. | | Strengthening conservative-protective beginnings in the official ideology manifested itself in | | | return to the traditional image of Russia as a Christian power. | Religious | dogma autocracy tried to oppose the influence of revolutionary ideas | | | West. The personal sentiments of the emperor also played an important role here, | | who attributed the success of the war with Bonaparte to the intervention of the supernatural | | | divine forces. | Significant and the fact that the State Council, the Senate and | | | Synod presented Alexander I with the title of the Blessed. After 1815 the emperor, and | | after him and a significant part of society are increasingly immersed in | | | religious and mystical sentiments. | A peculiar manifestation of this phenomenon | | | was the activity of the Bible Society, established at the end of 1812 and by 1816 | | | received official character. | Huge role in the activities of the Biblical | society played him. President, Minister of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education A. | |N. Golitsyn. The main purpose of the society were translation, publication and distribution in | | | people of the Bible. | In 1821 the New Testament in Russian was published for the first time in Russia | | language. However, the ideas of mysticism spread widely among the members of the society. | | Golitsyn contributed to the publication and distribution of books of mystical content, | | | provided patronage to various sects, was a supporter of the connection | | | Christian denominations, the equation of Orthodoxy with other religions. All | | this caused opposition to the course of Golitsyn numerous church hierarchs, which | | headed by the archimandrite of the Novgorod Yuriev Monastery Photius. In May 1824 | | followed by the disgrace of Prince Golitsyn and the cooling of Alexander I to activities | | | society. | At the end of 1824, the new president of the society, Metropolitan Seraphim | | submitted to the emperor a report on the need to close the Bible Society as | | | harmful, in April 1826 it was eliminated. | | | | | | Movement of the Decembrists | | | The government's rejection of the policy of change, increased reaction caused | | | the emergence of Russia's first revolutionary movement, which was based on | | | progressive-minded military from the liberal strata of the nobility. | One of | | origins of the emergence of "freethinking in Russia" was the Patriotic War. | | In 1814-1815. the first secret officer organizations appear (“Union of Russian | | Knights”, “Sacred Artel”, “Semenovskaya Artel”). Their founders - M. F. | | Orlov, M. A. Dmitriev-Mamonov, A. and M. Muravyov - considered unacceptable | | | preservation of the serfdom of peasants and soldiers who committed civil | | | feat during the Napoleonic invasion. | | | In February 1816 in St. Petersburg on the initiative of AN Muravyov, NM Muravyov, | |M. and S. Muravyov-Apostolov, S. P. Trubetskoy and I. D. Yakushkin, the Union was created | | Salvation. | This centralized conspiratorial organization included 30 | | patriotic young military. A year later, the Union adopted a "statute"| | - program and charter, after which the organization became known as the Society | | | true and "faithful sons of the Fatherland. The goals of the struggle declared the destruction | | serfdom" and the establishment of constitutional government. These requirements | | supposed to present at the time of the change of monarchs on the throne. M. S. Lunin and I.| |D. Yakushkin raised the question of the need for regicide, but N. Muravyov, IG | | Burtsov and others opposed violence, for propaganda as the only way | | action. | | | Disputes about ways to achieve the goals of society necessitated the adoption of a new | | | charter and programs. | In 1818, a special commission (S. P. Trubetskoy, N. | | Muravyov, P. P. Koloshin) developed a new charter, named for the color of the binding | | "Green Book". | The first secret society was liquidated and the Union | | prosperity. | Before the members of the Union, which could be not only the military, but | | and merchants, philistines, clergy and free peasants, the task was set for | | | About 20 years to prepare public opinion for the need for change. | | The ultimate goal of the Union - a political and social revolution - in the "Book" is not | | | declared, as it was intended for wide distribution. | | In the Welfare Union, there were about 200 members. Root led them | | Council in St. Petersburg, the main Council (office) were in Moscow and | | | Tulchin (Ukraine), councils arose in Poltava, Tambov, Kyiv, Chisinau, in | | | Nizhny Novgorod province. Enlightenment societies formed around the Union | | Semi-legal character. | Officers - members of the society implemented the ideas of the "Green | | books "in practice (the abolition of corporal punishment, training in schools, in the army). | | However, dissatisfaction with educational activities in the face of growth | | | peasant unrest, speeches in the army, a number of military revolutions in Europe | | | led to the radicalization of the Union. | In January 1821, a congress met in Moscow | | Indigenous Council. | He declared the Welfare Union "loose" to facilitate | | elimination of "unreliable" members who opposed the conspiracy and violent measures. | | Immediately after the congress almost simultaneously emerged secret North and South | | | Society, bringing together supporters of an armed coup and prepared | | | uprising in 1825 | | |Southern Society has become the Southern Administration of the Union of Welfare in Tulchin. | | Its chairman was PI Pestel (1793-1826). He was a huge man | | talents, received an excellent education, distinguished himself in the battles of Leipzig, | | | at Troyes. | By 1820, Pestel was already a staunch supporter of the Republican | | form of government. | In 1824, the Southern Society adopted the program drawn up by him | | | document - "Russian Truth", put forward the task of establishing in Russia | | Republican system. | "Russian Truth" proclaimed the dictatorship of the Provisional | | supreme rule for the entire time of the revolution, which, as suggested by Pestel, | | | last 10-15 years. | According to Pestel's project, Russia was supposed to become a single | | centralized state with a republican form of government. | | | Legislative power belonged to the People's Council of 500 people, | | | which was elected for a period of 5 years. | The body of executive power became | | | Elected at the veche Sovereign Duma, consisting of 5 members. | Supreme control | body was the Supreme Council of 120 citizens elected for life. estate | | division was eliminated, all citizens were endowed with political rights. | | Serfdom was destroyed. | The land fund of each volost was divided into | | | public (inalienable) and private half. From the first half of the ground | | received liberated peasants and all citizens who wished to engage in | | | agriculture. The second half consisted of state and private property and | | | subject to sale. | The project proclaimed the sacred right of personal | | property, established for all citizens of the republic freedom of employment and | | | Religions. | | Southern society recognized as a necessary condition for the success of an armed uprising in | | | the capital, the terms of membership in the society have been changed accordingly: now | | only a military man could become a member of it," a decision was made on the strictest | | discipline and secrecy. | | NI Turgenev, M. S. Lunin, S. P. Trubetskoy, E. P. Obolensky and I. I. Pushchin. In | | the composition of the society expanded significantly. A number of its members moved away | | from the republican decisions of the Root Administration and returned to the idea of ​​a constitutional | | monarchy. The program of the Northern Society can be judged by the constitutional | | project of Nikita Muravyov, which was not accepted, however, as an official | | document of the society. Russia became a constitutional-monarchical | | state. A federative division of the country into 15 " powers". Power | | divided into legislative, executive and judicial. The highest legislative | | body was a bicameral People's Council, elected for a period of 6 years | | per. Legislature in each "power"| | performed bicameral Sovereign Assembly, elected for 4 years. Emperor | | belonged to the executive power, he became the "chief official." | | The supreme judicial body of the federation was the Supreme Court. Class system | | canceled, proclaimed civil and political freedoms. Serfdom| | destroyed, in the latest version of the constitution N. Muravyov provided | | | endowment liberated peasants with land (2 acres per yard). Landlords | | property was preserved. | | | However, more and more power in the Northern society was gaining a more radical trend, | | headed by KF Ryleev. | Fame brought him his literary | | | activity: especially popular satire on Arakcheeva "K | | | temporary worker "(1820)," Duma ", glorifying the fight against tyranny. In society he | | joined in 1823 and a year later was elected its director. Ryleev | | adhered to republican views. | | The most intense activity of the Decembrist organizations falls on | | | 1824-1825: preparations were made for an open armed uprising, was | | hard work to harmonize the political platforms of the North and South | | | Societies. | In 1824, it was decided by the beginning of 1826 to prepare and | | to hold] a unifying congress, and in the summer of 1826 to carry out a military coup. | | In the second half of 1825 the forces of the Decembrists increased: to Vasilkovskaya council | | Southern Society joined the Society of United Slavs. It arose in 1818| | g. as a secret political "Society of First Consent", in 1823 | | transformed into the Society of United Slavs, the purpose of the organization was to create | | | powerful republican democratic federation of Slavic peoples. | | | In May 1821, the Decembrists conspiracy became known to the emperor: he was informed about | | | plans and composition of the Union of prosperity. | But Alexander I limited himself to the words: “Not | | me to execute them. | | Uprising December 14, 1825 Sudden death of Alexander I in Taganrog, | | | followed November 19, 1825, changed the plans of the conspirators and forced them | | | perform ahead of schedule. | | | Heir to the throne was considered Tsarevich Konstantin. November 27 troops and | | population were sworn in by Emperor Constantine I. Only December 12 | | | 1825 from Constantine, who was in Warsaw, came an official message about | | | his abdication. | Immediately followed by a manifesto on the accession of the emperor | | Nicholas I and December 14, 1825 was appointed "re-swearing." Interregnum | | caused discontent among the people and in the army. | Moment for implementation of plans | | secret societies was exceptionally favorable. In addition, the Decembrists became | | | known chto.government received denunciations of their activities, and December 13 | | | was arrested Pestel. | | The plan of the coup d'état was adopted during meetings of members of society | | | at Ryleev's apartment in St. Petersburg. | Success was decisive | | performances in the capital. | At the same time, troops were supposed to act in the south of the country, | | | in the 2nd Army. | One of the founders of the Union was elected dictator of the uprising | | Salvation, S. P. Trubetskoy, Colonel of the Guards, famous and popular among | | | soldier. On the appointed day, it was decided to withdraw troops to Senate Square, | | prevent the oath of the Senate and the State Council Nikolai Pavlovich and from them | | | named publish "Manifesto to the Russian people", proclaiming the abolition of | | | serfdom, freedom of the press, conscience, occupation and movement, the introduction | | | universal conscription instead of recruiting. Government | | was declared deposed, and power passed to the Provisional Government to | | | adoption by the representative Grand Council of the decision on the form of government in Russia. | | The royal family was to be arrested. Winter Palace and Peter and Paul | | fortress was supposed to capture with the help of troops, and kill Nicholas. | | But the planned plan failed. A. Yakubovich, who was supposed to | | to command the Guards marine crew and the Izmailovsky regiment during the capture | | | Winter Palace and arrest the royal family, refused to complete the task of | | | Fears of becoming the culprit of regicide. | Moskovsky appeared on Senate Square | | Life Guards Regiment, later joined by the sailors of the Guards | | | crew and life grenadiers - only about 3 thousand soldiers and 30 officers. Bye | | Nikolay l pulled troops to the area, Governor-General MA Miloradovich | | turned to the rebels with a call to disperse and was mortally wounded PG | | | Kakhovsky. | It soon became clear that Nicholas had already taken the oath of members | | Senate and State Council. It was necessary to change the plan of the uprising, but | | | Called to lead the actions of the rebels SP Trubetskoy did not appear on the square. | | In the evening, the Decembrists chose a new dictator - Prince E. P. Obolensky, but | | time was lost. Nicholas I after several unsuccessful cavalry attacks gave | | order to shoot buckshot from cannons. | 1271 people were killed, with the majority | | Victims - more than 900 - was among the sympathizers gathered on the square and | | | curious. | | December 29, 1825 SI Muravyov-Apostle and MP Bestuzhev-Ryumin succeeded | | raise the Chernigov regiment, stationed in the south, in the village of Trilesy. | Against the rebels | | government troops were sent. January 3, 1826 Chernigov regiment | | was defeated. | | | To the investigation, which was led by Nicholas I himself, 579 officers were involved, 280 | | of them were found guilty. July 13, 1826 K. F. Ryleev, P. I. Pestel, S. I. | | Ants-Apostle, MP Bestuzhev-Ryumin and PG Kakhovsky were hanged. | | The rest of the Decembrists demoted, exiled to hard labor in Siberia and | | | Caucasian regiments. | Soldiers and sailors (2.5 thousand people) were judged separately. Part | | of them was sentenced to punishment gauntlets (178 people), 23 - canes and | | | rods. | Others were sent to the Caucasus and Siberia. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Social movements in Russia in the second quarter of the XIX century. | | In the early years of the reign of Nikolai Pavlovich, his desire to restore order in | | | public institutions, eradicate abuse and approve the rule of law | | | inspired society hope for change for the better. Nicholas I was even compared with | | Peter I. But the illusion was quickly dispelled. | | In the late 20's - early 30's. becomes the center of social ferment | |Moscow University. Among his students there are circles in which | | developed plans for anti-government agitation (circle of brothers | | Kritsky), armed uprising and the introduction of constitutional government (circle | | NP Sungurova). Group of supporters of the republic and utopian socialism | | united around themselves in the early 30's. A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev. All these | | student society did not last long, they were discovered and destroyed. | | At the same time, a student at Moscow University VG Belinsky (1811-1848) | | | organized "Literary Society number 11" (according to room number), in which | | | discussed his drama "Dmitry Kalinin", questions of philosophy and aesthetics. In 1832 | | g. Belinsky was expelled from the university "due to limited abilities" and | | because of the "poor health." | | Slightly longer than others existed circle NV Stankevich, also in | | | Moscow University. | He was distinguished by liberal political moderation. | | Members of the circle fond of German philosophy, especially Hegel, history and | | | Literature. After Stankevich's departure for treatment abroad in 1837, the circle | | Gradually broke up. | Since the end of the 30s. liberal direction has taken shape | | ideological currents of Westernism and Slavophilism. | | Slavophiles.-. mainly thinkers and publicists (A. S. Khomyakov, I. V. and P. V. | | Kireevsky, I. S. and K. S. Aksakov, Yu. F. Samarin) idealized pre-Petrine | | Rus', insisted on its originality, which they saw in the peasant | | | community, alien to social hostility, and in Orthodoxy. These features, in their opinion, | | | provide a peaceful way of social change in the country. | Russia should have | | return to the zemstvo cathedrals, but without serfdom. | Westerners - mostly historians and writers (I. S. Turgenev, T. N. | | Granovsky, S. M. Solovyov, K. D. Kavelin, B. N. Chicherin) were supporters | | European path of development and advocated a peaceful transition to a parliamentary | | | build. However, in the main positions of the Slavophiles and Westernizers coincided: they | | advocated political and social reforms top, against | | revolutions. | | | Radical direction formed around the magazines "Contemporary" and | | | "Domestic Notes", which were VG Belinsky, AI Herzen and N.| |A. Nekrasov. Supporters of this direction also believed that Russia would follow | | | European way, but unlike the liberals believed that the revolutionary | | | shocks are inevitable. | | | Herzen, dissociating himself in the late 40's. from Westernism and having adopted a number of ideas | | Slavophiles, came to the idea of ​​Russian socialism. He considered the community and artel | | the basis of the future social order and assumed self-government in | | | national scale and public ownership of land. | | | Independent figure in the ideological opposition to the Nikolaev rule was P. Ya | | Chaadaev (1794-1856). Graduate of Moscow University, member of Borodino | | battles and "battle of the peoples" near Leipzig, a friend of the Decembrists and Pushkin, he | | in 1836 published in the journal "Telescope" the first of his "Philosophical | | letters ", which, according to Herzen, "shocked all thinking Russia." Chaadaev gave | | very gloomy assessment of the historical past of Russia and its role in the world | | | history; he was extremely pessimistic about the possibilities of social progress| | in Russia. The main reason for the separation of Russia from the European historical tradition | | Chaadaev considered the rejection of Catholicism in favor of the religion of slavery - Orthodoxy. | | The government regarded the "Letter" as an anti-government speech: magazine | | was closed, the publisher was sent into exile, the censor was fired, and Chaadaev announced | | | crazy and put under the supervision of the police. | | Significant place in the history of the social movement 40's. occupies society, | | developed around the utopian socialist MV Butashevich-Petrashevsky. From 1845 | | g. his friends gathered on Fridays to discuss philosophical, | | literary and socio-political issues. | F. M. have been here | | Dostoevsky, A. N. Maikov, A. N. Pleshcheev, M. E. Saltykov, A. G. Rubinshtein, P. | |P. Semenov. Gradually around the Petrashevsky circle in St. Petersburg began to emerge| | Separate illegal groups of his supporters. | By 1849, part of the Petrashevites, | | pinning hopes on the peasant revolution, began to discuss plans to create | | | secret society , the purpose of which would be the overthrow of the autocracy and the destruction of | | Serfdom. | In April 1849, the most active members of the circle "were | | arrested, their intentions were regarded by the commission of inquiry as the most dangerous | |" conspiracy of ideas ", and the military court sentenced 21 Petrashevsky to death. In" | | the last moment the condemned were announced to replace the death penalty with hard labor, | | | prisoner companies and a link to the settlement. | | Period, called A. I. Herzen, "the era of excited mental interests", | | | ended. There was a reaction in Russia. New revival came only in 1856 | | g. | | Peasant movement during the reign of Nicholas I was constantly growing: if in | | second quarter of the century, an average of 43 performances occurred per year, then in the 50's | | | yy. their number reached 100. The main reason, as reported to king III | | branch in 1835, causing cases of disobedience of the peasants, was "the idea of ​​| | liberties. The largest performances of this period were the so-called | | "Cholera riots." In the autumn of 1830, the uprising of the Tambov peasants during | | epidemic marked the beginning of the unrest that swept the entire province and continued | | | until August 1831 In the cities and villages huge crowds, fueled by rumors about | | | Deliberate infection, smashed hospitals, killed doctors, policemen and | | | officials. In the summer of 1831 during the cholera epidemic in St. Petersburg daily | | died up to 600 people. The unrest that began in the city spread to | | Novgorod military settlements. | Large was the indignation of the state | | peasants of the Urals in 1834 - 1835, caused by the intention of the government | | | transfer them to the specific category. | In the 40s. began mass unauthorized | | resettlement of serfs 14 provinces in the Caucasus and other areas that | | | government barely managed to stop with the help of troops. | | | Unrest serf workers in these years acquired significant proportions. From 108 | | labor unrest in 30 - 50-ies. | about 60% happened among sessional | | workers. In 1849 more than half a century of struggle of Kazan cloth workers | | ended with their transfer from the sessional state to civilian employment. | | National liberation movement | | |Polish uprising of 1830-1831. Accession of Poland to the Russian Empire | | strengthened the opposition movement, which led the Polish nobility and aim | | which was the restoration of Polish statehood and the return of Poland to | | | borders 1772 Violations of the constitution of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815 , arbitrariness | | n administration, the impact of the European revolutions of 1830 created in Longer | | | explosive situation. November 17 (29) members of a secret society that united | | officers, students, intellectuals, attacked the residence of the Grand Duke | | | Konstantin in Warsaw. Citizens and soldiers joined the conspirators | | Polish army. | The Provisional Government was formed, the creation began | | | National Guard. | On January 13 (25), the Sejm proclaimed the dethronement (removal from | | the Polish throne) of Nicholas I and elected the National Government headed by A.| | Czartoryski. This meant declaring war on Russia. - | | Soon within the Kingdom of Poland entered the 120,000th Russian army under | | | command of I. I. Dibicha. | Despite the numerical superiority of Russian troops | | (Polish army consisted of 50-60 thousand people), the war dragged on. Only 27 | | August (September 8) Russian army under the command of IF Paskevich (he replaced | | died of cholera Dibmcha) entered Warsaw. The Constitution of 1815 was | | Canceled. | According to the Organic Statute adopted in 1832, Poland became | | an integral part of Russia. | | | Caucasian war. | Ended in the 20s. 19th century accession to Russia | |Caucasus brought to life the separatist movement of mountaineers-Muslims of Chechnya, Gorny| | Dagestan and the North-Western Caucasus. | It was held under the banner of muridism | | (obedience) and was headed by the local clergy. Murids called on everyone | | Muslims to a holy war against the "infidels." In 1834, Shamil became the imam (leader | | of the movement). On the territory of mountainous Dagestan and Chechnya, he created | | theocratic state - the imamate, which had ties with Turkey and received | | | military support from England. | Shamil's popularity was huge, he succeeded | | collect under his start up to 20 thousand soldiers. | After significant success in the 1940s | | Shamil under pressure from Russian troops was forced to surrender in 1859 in the village of Gunib. | | Then he was in honorary exile in Central Russia. In the Northwest | | Caucasus fighting, which led the tribes of the Circassians, Shapsugs, Ubykhs and | | | Circassians, continued until the end of 1864, when the Kbaada tract was taken | | (Krasnaya Polyana). | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Socio-political development of Russia in the second half of the XIX century. | | | | | Peasant movement | | | | | Peasant movement from the late 50's. fueled by constant rumors about | | | impending release. | If in 1851-1855. occurred 287 peasant | | Unrest, then in 1856-1859. | - 1341. Deep disappointment in the peasants | | the nature and content of the reform was expressed in massive refusals to execute | | | Duties and from the signing of "charter". | Widespread among | | peasantry rumors about the forgery of the "Regulations on February 19" and the preparation of | | | government "real will" by 1863 | | | The greatest number of unrest falls on March - July 1861, when it was | | | registered disobedience of the peasants in 1176 estates. In 337 estates for | | pacification of the peasants used military commands. The largest | | clashes occurred in the Penza and Kazan provinces. In the village of Abyss, | | became the center of the peasant, vblneniya, covering three districts of Kazan | | | province, troops were killed 91 people and wounded 87. In 1862-1863. wave | | peasant performances noticeably subsided. In 1864 open unrest of the peasants | | were registered in only 75 estates. | | Since the mid-70s. peasant movement again begins to gain strength under | | influence of lack of land, the severity of payments and duties. The consequences also affected | | Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, and in 1879-1880. | poor harvest and crop failure | | became the cause of hunger. The number of peasant unrest grew mainly in | | | central, eastern and southern provinces. | Fermentation among the peasants intensified | | Emerging rumors about the impending new redistribution of land. | | | The largest number of performances by peasants falls on 1881-1884. | | The main reasons for the unrest were the increase in the size of the various duties and | | | appropriation of peasant lands by landowners. | Noticeably increased peasant | | | movement after the famine of 1891-1892, and the peasants are increasingly resorting to | | | armed attacks on police and military detachments, to the seizure of landowners | | | property, collective logging. | | | Meanwhile, in its agrarian policy, the government tried by regulation | | | peasant life to maintain its patriarchal way of life. | After the abolition of the serf | law was rapidly disintegrating the peasant family, growing number of family | | | sections. The law of 1886 established the procedure for family division only with | | Consent of the head of the family and 2 / 3 of the village gathering. But this measure only led to an increase in | | | illegal sections, because it was impossible to stop this natural process. | | In the same year, a law was passed on the hiring of agricultural workers, | | | obliging the peasant to sign a contract to work with the landowner and | | | providing severe punishment for voluntarily leaving him. | | Of great importance in its agrarian policy, the government attached to the conservation | | | peasant community. Adopted in 1893, the law forbade mortgage allotment | | land, allowed their sale only fellow villagers, and early redemption of peasants | | | land, provided for "Regulations February 19, 1861", allowed only when | | | Consent 2 / 3 gathering. | In the same year, a law was adopted, which had as its task | | | Eliminate some of the shortcomings of communal land use. | Was limited | | the right of the community to redistribute the land, and allotments were assigned to the peasants. For | | redistribution from now had to vote at least 2 / 3 gathering, and the interval between | | | redistribution could not be less than 12 years. This created the conditions for improvement | | | Quality of cultivation, increasing productivity. | The laws of 1893 strengthened | | position of the prosperous peasantry, made it difficult to get out of the community of the poorest | | | peasantry and fixed land shortages. | For the sake of preserving the community government, | | despite the abundance of free land, restrained the migration movement. | | | | | | | Liberal movement | | | Liberal movement of the late 50's - early 60's. was the widest and had | | many different shades. | But one way or another, the liberals were in favor of | | | Establishment by peaceful means of constitutional forms of government, for political and | | | civil liberties and education of the people. | As supporters of legal forms, | | | liberals acted through the press and Zemstvo. The first to outline the program | Russian liberalism historians KD, Kavelin and B: N. Chicherin, who in his | | | "Letter to the publisher" (1856) spoke in favor of reforming the existing order | | | "from above" and proclaimed the basic law of history "the law of gradualness." | | Great distribution in the late 50's. received liberal notes and projects| | reforms developed liberal | | | journalism. | Tribune of liberal Westerners! ideas became a new magazine | | "Russian Messenger" (1856-1862>, | founded by M. N. Katkov. | | Liberal-Slavophile A. I. Koshelev published the magazines "Russian conversation" I | and | | "Rural improvement". In 1863, in Moscow began issuing one of | | the largest Russian newspapers - "Russkie Vedomosti", which became the organ of the liberal | | intelligentsia. Since 1866, the liberal historian M. M. Stasyulevich founded the journal "Vestnik Evropy". | | A peculiar phenomenon of Russian liberalism was position of the Tver | | provincial nobility, which even in the period of preparation and discussion | | peasant reform] came up with a constitutional project. And in 1862 | | | Tver noble assembly recognized the unsatisfactory "Regulations 19 | | | February, the need for immediate redemption of peasant allotments with | | State. | It spoke in favor of the destruction of the estates, the reform of the court, management | | | and finance. | | Liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate demands of Tver | | | nobility and focused on the introduction of the constitutional order in Russia as | | distant perspective. | | | In an effort to go beyond local interests and associations, liberal leaders | | | held in the late 70's. | several general zemstvo congresses, to which the government| | reacted quite neutrally. Only in 1880. leaders of liberalism S. A. Muromtsev,| | V.Yu. Skalon, A. A. Chuprov turned to M. T. Loris-Melikov with a call to introduce | | constitutional beginnings. | | | In the context of the political crisis at the turn of the 50 - 60's. stepped up their | | activities of the revolutionary democrats - the radical wing of the opposition. | | The ideological center of this trend has become since 1859 the magazine "Contemporary", | | | which was led by N. G. Chernyshevsky (1828-1889) and Ya. A. Dobrolyubov | | (1836-1861). | |A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky in the early 60s. formulated the concept | | revolutionary populism (Russian socialism), combining social utopianism | | | French socialists with the rebellious movement of the Russian peasantry. | | Strengthening peasant unrest during the reform.G861 instilled in | | | leaders of the radical direction hope for the possibility of a peasant revolution | | | in Russia. Revolutionary democrats distributed leaflets and proclamations, in | | which contained appeals to the peasants, to students, soldiers, | | | schismatics to prepare for the fight ("Lord's peasants from their well-wishers | | bow", "To the younger generation", "Great Russian" and "Young Russia"). | | Agitation leaders of the democratic camp had a certain impact on | | Development and expansion of the student movement. | In Kazan in April 1861 | | there was a speech by university students and theological academy, which | | | held a demonstrative memorial service for the peasants killed in the village of Abyss Spassky | | | county of Kazan province. | In the autumn of 1861, the student movement swept | | | Petersburg, Moscow and Kazan, street demonstrations took place in both capitals | | students. The formal reason for the unrest was the issues of internal | | | university life, but their political nature manifested itself in the fight against | | | Authorities. | | | At the end of 1861 - beginning of 1862 a group of revolutionary populists (N. A. | | Serno-Solovyevich, M. L. Mikhailov, N. N. Obruchev, A. A. Sleptsov, N. V. Shelgunov)| | was created the first after the defeat of the Decembrists conspiratorial revolutionary | | Organization of national importance. | Her inspirers were Herzen and | | | Chernyshevsky. | The organization was called "Land and Freedom". She was engaged | | distribution of illegal literature, led the preparations for the uprising, | | | appointed in 1863 | | | In the middle of 1862, the government, with the support of the liberals, deployed | | | extensive repressive campaign against the revolutionary democrats. | "Contemporary" | | was closed (until 1863). | Recognized leaders of the radicals - NG Chernyshevsky, N. | |A. Serno-Solov'evich and D. I. Pisarev were arrested. Accused of compiling | | Proclamation and preparation of anti-government speeches; | Chernyshevsky was | | sentenced in February 1864 to 14 years hard labor and permanent settlement in Siberia. | | Serno-Solovyevich was also exiled forever to Siberia and died there in 1866. Pisarev | | served four years in the Peter and Paul Fortress, was released under supervision | | | police and soon drowned. | | After the arrest of their leaders and the failure of plans for an armed uprising, | | | Prepared by the offices of "Earth and Freedom" in the Volga region, its Central People's | | | committee in the spring of 1864 decided to suspend the organization. | | In the 60s. on the wave of rejection of the existing order among students | spread the ideology of nihilism. Denying philosophy, art, morality, | | religion, nihilists called themselves materialists and preached "selfishness, | |based on the mind. | | At the same time, under the influence of socialist ideas, the novel by NG Chernyshevsky | | |“What to do?” (1862) there were artels, workshops, communes, hoping by | | development of collective labor to prepare the socialist transformation | | | society. | Having failed, they disintegrated or switched to illegal | | activities. | | | In the autumn of 1863 in Moscow under the influence of "Earth and freedom" a circle under | | | leadership raznochinets N. A. Ishutin, who by 1865 had become quite | | | large underground organization that had a branch in St. Petersburg (leader IA | | Khudyakov). On April 4, 1866, DV Karakozov from Ishutin made an unfortunate | | assassination attempt on Alexander II. | The entire Ishutin organization was crushed, | | | Karakozov hanged, nine members of the organization, including Ishutin and Khudyakov, | | | sent to hard labor. | The magazines Sovremennik and Russkoe Slovo were closed. | | In 1871, Russian society was outraged by the murder of student Ivanov, a member | | | radical underground organization "People's Reprisal". | He was killed for | | disobedience to the head of the organization SG Nechaev. | Nechaev built his | | "Massacre" on the basis of personal dictatorship and the justification of any means in the name of | | | revolutionary goals. | The era of political | | | processes (more than 80), which have become an integral part of public life to | | | early 80's. | | In the 70s. there were several close currents of utopian socialism, | | dubbed "populism". | Populists believed that thanks to | | | peasant community ("cell of socialism") and the qualities of the peasant community | | | ("revolutionary by instinct", "born communist") Russia will be able to directly | | | go. | to the socialist system. The views of populist theorists (M. A. | | Bakunin, P. L. Lavrov, N. K. Mikhailovsky, P. N. Tkachev) differed in questions | | tactics, but they all saw the main obstacle to socialism in the state | | | authorities and believed that the secret organization, the revolutionary leaders must raise | | | people to revolt and lead him to victory. | | At the turn of the 60-70s. Numerous populist circles arose. Among them | | | distinguished society "Tchaikovsky" (N. V. Tchaikovsky, A. I. Zhelyabov, P. A. | | Kropotkin, S. L. Perovskaya and others). Members of the society were propaganda among | | | peasants and workers, and then led the "going to the people." | | In the spring of 1874, thousands of members of populist organizations went to | | | villages. Most of them aimed at speedy preparation | | peasant uprising. They gathered meetings, talked about the oppression of the people, | | urged "to disobey the authorities. "Walking to the people" lasted for | | several years and covered more than 50 provinces of Russia. response, the peasants often handed over the propagandists to the authorities.The government ||swept the Narodniks with a new wave of repressions, and in October 1877-January 1878| |the trial of the Narodniks took place (the "Trial of the 193's").||At the end of 187, 6 - a new, centralized all-Russian organization of Narodniks “Land and Freedom” arose. M. A. Natanson, S. L. Perovskaya, G. V. | | Plekhanov, V. N. Figner) supervised the activities of individual groups of "Earth and Freedom" | | in at least 15 major cities countries. Soon the organization had two | | | currents: some were inclined to continue propaganda work, others thought | | | the only means of approaching the revolution terrorist activities. In | | August 1879 there was a final collapse. Proponents of propaganda | | united in the "Black Repartition", adherents terror --in"People's Will" | | "Black redistribution", uniting circles in Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities, | | | Existed until 1881 By this time, all of its members either emigrated | | (Plekhanov, Zasulich, Deutsch), either moved away from the revolutionary movement, or moved | | in the "People's Will". | | | "People's Will" united circles of students, workers, officers. In strictly | | secret leadership included AI Zhelyabov, AI | | Barannikov, | | |A.A. Kvyatkovsky, N. N. Kolodkevich, A. D. Mikhailov, N. A. Morozov, S. L. | | Perovskaya, V. N. Figner, M. F. Frolenko. In 1879, the Narodnaya Volya, hoping | | cause political crisis and raise the people, committed a number of terrorist | | Acts. | Death Sentence to Alexander II Executive Committee “People's | | will, issued in August 1879 After several unsuccessful attempts on March 1 | | | 1881 in St. Petersburg, Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown | | Narodnaya Volya I. I. Grinevitsky. | | | Public movement during the reign of Alexander III experienced a decline. 3 | | conditions of government persecution and repression against great dissent | | influence gained editor of "Moskovskie Vedomosti" and "Russian Bulletin" MN | | Katkov. | He's in the 40's and 50's. was close to moderate liberals, and in the 60s he became ardent | | adherent of the protective direction. | Fully sharing political ideals| | Alexander III, Katkov in the 80s. reaches the zenith of his fame and political | | power, becoming the ideological inspirer of the new government course. | Mouthpiece| | official direction was the editor of the magazine "Citizen" Prince VP | | Meshchersky. | Alexander III patronized Meshchersky, providing unspoken | | financial support for his journal. | | | In the inability to resist the protective policy of the autocracy manifested | | weakness of the liberal movement. | After March 1, 1881 liberal leaders in | | | address Alexander III condemned the terrorist activities of the revolutionaries and | | | Expressed hope for "completion of the great cause of state renewal." | |Despite the fact that the hope did not come true and the government went on the offensive | | on the liberal press and the rights of zemstvo institutions, the liberal movement is not | | | turned into opposition. | However, in the 90s. is gradual | | delimitation within the zemstvo-liberal movement. | Strengthen democratic | | mood among zemstvo doctors, teachers, statisticians. This led to | | | constant conflict with the local administration zemstvos. | | | Social movement | | | Democratization of the system of public education, the emergence of a large number | | | professionals with higher education from the nobility and raznochintsev significantly | | | Expanded the circle of intelligentsia. | Russian intelligentsia - a unique phenomenon | | social life of Russia, the emergence of which can be attributed to the 30-40's. XIX | | in. This is a small stratum of society, closely associated with social groups, | | professionally engaged in mental labor (intellectuals), but not merging | | with them. Distinctive features of the intelligentsia were high ideological and | | | fundamental focus on the active opposition to traditional | | | State principles, based on a rather peculiar perception | | | Western ideas. As N. A. Berdyaev noted, “what was scientific in the West | | theory to be criticized hypothesis, or, in any | | case, the truth is relative, partial, not claiming to be universal, y | | | Russian intellectuals turned into dogma, into something like a religious | | | inspiration. In this environment developed various areas of public | | | thoughts. | | | In the second half of the 50's. publicity was the first manifestation of the "thaw" | | coming shortly after the accession of Alexander II. December 3, 1855 was closed | | Higher Censorship Committee, weakened censorship rules. Wide distribution | | Received in Russia editions of the "Free Russian Printing House", created by A. I. Herzen | | in London. | In July 1855, the first issue of the collection Polar Star was published,| | named Herzen in memory of the eponymous almanac of the Decembrists Ryleev and | | | Bestuzhev. In July 1857, Herzen, together with N. P. Ogarev, began publishing | | newspaper review "Bell" (1857 - 1867), which, despite the official | | | ban, in large quantities illegally imported into Russia and had a huge | | | success. This was facilitated by the relevance of published materials and | | | literary skill of their authors. | In 1858, the historian BN Chicherin declared | | Herzen: "You - the power, you - the power in the Russian state." Proclaiming the idea | | liberation of the peasantry, AI Herzen said: "Will this liberation | | "from above" or "from below" - we will be for it, "which caused criticism as liberals, | | | and revolutionary democrats. | | Polish uprising of 1863 | | | In 1860-1861. throughout the Kingdom of Poland swept a wave of mass | | manifestations in memory of the anniversary of the uprising of 1830 One of the largest | | | became a demonstration in Warsaw in February 1861, to disperse which | | | The government used the troops. | Martial law was "introduced in Poland, | | mass arrests were carried out. At the same time, certain concessions were made: | | the State Council was restored, the university in Warsaw was reopened, etc. | | In this situation, secret youth circles arose that called on city layers | | of the population to an armed uprising. Polish society was divided into two | | parties. Supporters of the uprising were called "red". half of 1862, the circles were united into a single insurgent | | organization headed by the Central National Committee - a conspiratorial | | center for preparing an uprising (I; Dombrovsky, 3. Padlevsky, S. Serakovsky and | | etc.). The program of the Central Committee included the elimination of estates, the transfer of | | peasants cultivated their land, the restoration of independent Poland in | | | borders in 1772 with the provision of the population of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine rights | | | to decide their own fate. | | | The uprising in Poland broke out January 22, 1863 The immediate reason | | was the decision of the authorities to hold in mid-January 18b3 in Polish | | | cities and towns, according to pre-prepared lists of recruiting individuals, | | | suspected of revolutionary activities. | Central Committee of the "Reds" | | made a decision on the immediate performance. | Military action developed | | spontaneously. | Came soon to the leadership of the uprising "white" relied on | | | support of the Western European powers. | Despite the note of England and France with | | demand to stop the bloodshed in Poland, the suppression of the uprising | | continued. Prussia supported Russia. Russian troops under command | | General F. F. Berg joined the fight against rebel groups in Poland. In | | Lithuania and Belarus troops led the Vilna Governor-General MN | | | Ants ("Hangman"). | | Alexander II March 1 abolished the temporary relationship of the peasants, reduced by | | |2.0% due payments in Lithuania, Belarus and Western Ukraine. Taking as a basis | | agrarian decrees of the Polish rebels, the government during the hostilities | | | announced land reform. | Deprived as a result of the support of the peasantry, | | | Polish uprising in the autumn of 1864 suffered a final defeat. | | Labor movement | | | | | Labor movement 60's. was not significant. Predominated cases of passive | | | resistance and protest - filing complaints or simply fleeing from factories. Due | | serf traditions and the lack of special labor legislation | | | established a strict mode of exploitation of hired labor. Over time, all workers | | began to organize strikes more often, especially in large enterprises. Ordinary | | requirement was to reduce fines, wage increases, improvement | | | working conditions. | From the 70s. labor movement is gradually increasing. Along with | | Unrest, not accompanied by the cessation of work, submissions of collective | | | complaints, etc., a growing number of strikes covering large industrial | | | enterprises: 1870 - Neva paper mill in St. Petersburg, 1871-1872 | | yy. - Putilovsky, Semyannikovsky and Aleksandrovsky factories; 1878-1879 - | | New paper spinning and a number of other enterprises in St. Petersburg. Strikes were suppressed | | sometimes with the help of the troops, the workers were put on trial. | | Unlike the peasant labor movement was more organized. Noticeable| | role in the creation of the first workers' circles played the activities of the populists. Already in | | 1875 under the direction of former student E. O. Zaslavsky in Odessa arose | | "South Russian Union of Workers" (crushed by the authorities at the end of the same year). Under | | influence St. Petersburg strikes and unrest took shape "Northern Union of Russian | | | workers "(1878-1880), headed by V. P. Obnorsky and S. N. Khalturin. Unions led | | propaganda among the workers and set as their goal the revolutionary struggle "with | | existing political and economic system "and the establishment of | | socialist relations. | "Northern Union" actively cooperated with the "Earth-and | | | will. After the arrest of the leaders, the organization broke up. | | Industrial crisis of the early 80's. and the depression that replaced it gave rise to a massive | | Unemployment and poverty. Business owners widely practiced mass | | layoffs, lowering rates for work, increasing fines, worsened | | | working conditions and living conditions of workers. | Widely used cheap women's and children's | | labor. There were no restrictions on working hours. Labor protection | | absent, .that entailed an increase in accidents. At the same time not | | There was no disability benefits, no workers' insurance. | | In the first half of the 80's. government trying to prevent the rise | | conflicts, took on the role of an intermediary between employees and | | | Entrepreneurs. | First of all, the most malicious | | Forms of operation. | On June 1, 1882, the use of labor was limited | | juvenile, and to oversee the implementation of this law was introduced factory | | | inspection. In 1884 there was a law on the schooling of children working on | | | factories. On June 3, 1885, the law “On the Prohibition of Night Work | | minors and women in factories and manufactories. | | Economic strikes and labor unrest early 80's. generally did not go beyond | | framework of individual enterprises. | An important role in the development of the mass labor movement| | played a strike at the Nikolskaya manufactory Morozov (Orekhovv-Zuevo) in January 1885 | | g. About 8 thousand people took part in it. The strike was in advance | | organized. | The workers made demands not only to the owner of the enterprise | | (changing the system of fines, the order of dismissal, etc.), but also to the government | | | (Introduction of state control over the position of workers, the adoption of | | legislation on the conditions of employment). The government has taken steps to stop | | strikes (more than 600 people were sent to their homeland, 33 - put on trial) and | | | simultaneously put pressure on the owners of the manufactory, seeking | | | meet individual work requirements and prevent future | | | Unrest. | | | The trial of the leaders of the Morozov strike took place in May 1886 and revealed the facts | | | gross arbitrariness of the administration. | The workers were acquitted by a jury. Under| | influence Morozov strike government adopted June 3, 1885 the law "On | | Supervision of institutions of the factory industry and mutual relations | | | manufacturers and workers. The law partially regulated the procedure for hiring and | | | layoffs of workers, streamlined the system of fines, set measures | | | Punishment for participating in strikes. | Were expanded rights and obligations of the factory | | Inspection and established provincial presence on factory affairs. | echo | | Morozov strike was a strike wave in industrial enterprises | | | Moscow and Vladimir provinces, St. Petersburg, Donbass. | | | | The revolutionary movement in the 80's - early 90's. | | The revolutionary movement in the 80's - early 90's. characterized primarily by | | the decline of populism and the spread of Marxism in Russia. Fragmented groups| | Narodnaya Volya continued to operate after the defeat of the Executive Committee | | | "People's Will" in 1884, defending the individual terror as a means of struggle.| |But even these groups included social democratic ideas in their programs. So| | was, for example, a circle of P. Ya. Shevyrev - AI Ulyanov / organized March 1 | | |1887 unsuccessful assassination attempt on Alexander III. 15 members of the circle were arrested | | and put on trial. | Five, including A. Ulyanov, were sentenced to death. | | Increasingly popular among populists gets the idea of ​​a bloc with the liberals, | | | rejection of the revolutionary struggle. | Disillusionment with populism and learning from experience | | European Social Democracy led part of the revolutionaries to Marxism. | | September 25, 1883 former members of the "Black Redistribution" who emigrated to Switzerland | |(P. B. Axelrod, G. V. Plekhanov, L. G. Deich, V. I. Zasulich, V. I. Ignatov), ​​| | created in Geneva, the Social Democratic group "Emancipation of Labor" and | | September of the same year announced the launch of the publication of the Library of Modern | | | socialism. The Emancipation of Labor group laid the foundations of the Russian | | Social Democratic movement. | Large role in the spread of Marxism | | Among the revolutionaries played the activity of GV Plekhanov (1856-1918). In 1882 | | g. he translated into Russian the Manifesto of the Communist Party. In their | | works "Socialism and political struggle" (1883) and "Our differences" (1885) G.| |B. Plekhanov criticized the views of the populists, denied Russia's readiness for | | | socialist revolution and called for the creation of the Social Democratic Party, | | preparation of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the creation | | | socio-economic prerequisites for socialism. | | | Since the mid-80s. first social-democratic circles appear in Russia | | students and workers: "Party of Russian Social Democrats" D. N. Blagoev (1883- | | 1887), "Association of St. Petersburg Craftsmen" P. V. Tochissky | | (1885-1888), a group of N. E. Fedoseev in Kazan (1888-1889), | | "Social Democratic Society" M. I. Brusnev (1889-1892). | | At the turn of the 80-90s. social democratic groups existed in Kyiv, | | Kharkov, Odessa, Minsk, Tula, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Vilna, Rostov-on-Don, | | Tiflis and other cities. |
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In the 19th century in Russia, a social movement unusually rich in content and methods of action was born, which largely determined the future fate of the country. The 19th century brought with it a sense of the uniqueness, originality of the Russian national-historical being, a tragic (according to P.Ya. Chaadaev) and proud (according to the Slavophiles) awareness of its dissimilarity with Europe. For the first time, history became a kind of “mirror” for educated people, looking into which one could recognize oneself, feel one’s own originality and uniqueness.

Already at the beginning of the century, it was formed as political movement Russian conservatism. His theorist N.M. Karamzin (1766-1826) wrote that the monarchical form of government most fully corresponds to the existing level of development of morality and enlightenment of mankind. Monarchy meant the sole pleasure of the autocrat, but this did not mean arbitrariness. The monarch was obliged to sacredly observe the laws. The division of society into estates was understood by him as an eternal and natural phenomenon. The nobility was obliged to "rise" above other estates not only by the nobility of origin, but also by moral perfection, education, and usefulness to society.

N.M. Karamzin protested against borrowing from Europe and outlined a program of action for the Russian monarchy. It involved a relentless search for capable and honest people to occupy the most important positions. N.M. Karamzin never tired of repeating that Russia needed not reforms of state bodies, but fifty honest governors. A very peculiar interpretation of N.M. Karamzin received in the 30s. 19th century A distinctive feature of the reign of Nicholas was the desire of the authorities to extinguish opposition sentiments with the help of ideological means. This goal was intended to serve the theory of official nationality, developed by the Minister of Public Education S.S. Uvarov (1786-1855) and historian M.P. Pogodin (1800-1875). They preached the thesis of the inviolability of the fundamental foundations of Russian statehood. They attributed autocracy, Orthodoxy and nationality to such foundations. They considered autocracy the only adequate form of Russian statehood, and Russians' loyalty to Orthodoxy was a sign of their true spirituality. Nationality was understood as the need for the educated estates to learn from the common people loyalty to the throne and love for the ruling dynasty. Under the conditions of the deadly regulation of life during the time of Nicholas I, the significant “Philosophical Letter” by P.Ya. Chaadaeva (1794-1856). With a feeling of bitterness and sadness, he wrote that Russia had not contributed anything of value to the treasuries of the world historical experience. Blind imitation, slavery, political and spiritual despotism, that, according to Chaadaev, we stood out among other peoples. The past of Russia was painted by him in gloomy colors, the present struck with dead stagnation, and the future was the most bleak. It was obvious that Chaadaev considered the autocracy and Orthodoxy to be the main culprits of the country's plight. The author of the "Philosophical Letter" was declared insane, and the magazine "Telescope", which published it, was closed.

In the 30-40s. sharp disputes about the originality of the historical path of Russia for a long time captured significant circles of the public and led to the formation of two characteristic trends - Westernism and Slavophilism. The core of the Westerners was made up of groups of St. Petersburg professors, publicists and writers (V.P. Botkin, E.D. Kavelin, T.N. Granovsky). The Westernizers declared about general regularities in the historical development of all civilized peoples. They saw the originality of Russia only in the fact that our Fatherland lagged behind in its economic and political development from European countries. The most important task of society and government Westerners considered the country's perception of advanced, ready-made forms of social and economic life, characteristic of the countries of Western Europe. This primarily meant the elimination of serfdom, the abolition of legal class distinctions, the provision of freedom of enterprise, the democratization of the judiciary and the development of local self-government.

The Westerners objected to the so-called Slavophiles. This trend arose primarily in Moscow, in the aristocratic salons and editorial offices of the journals of the "first throne". The theorists of Slavophilism were A.S. Khomyakov, the Aksakov brothers and the Kireevsky brothers. They wrote that the historical path of Russia's development is fundamentally different from the development of Western European countries. Russia was characterized not by economic, or even more so by political backwardness, but by originality, dissimilarity to European standards of life. They manifested themselves in the spirit of communion, fastened by Orthodoxy, in the special spirituality of the people living in the words of K.S. Aksakov "according to the inner truth". Western peoples, according to the Slavophils, live in an atmosphere of individualism, private interests, regulated by "outward truth", that is, the possible norms of written law. Russian autocracy, the Slavophiles emphasized, arose not as a result of a clash of private interests, but on the basis of a voluntary agreement between the government and the people. The Slavophils believed that in pre-Petrine times there was an organic unity between the authorities and the people, when the principle was observed: the power of power - to the king, and the power of opinion - to the people. The transformations of Peter I dealt a blow to Russian identity. A deep cultural split occurred in Russian society. The state began to strengthen the bureaucratic supervision of the people in every possible way. The Slavophils proposed restoring the right of the people to free and open expression of their opinion. They actively demanded the abolition of serfdom. The monarchy was supposed to become "truly popular", taking care of all the estates living in the state, preserving the original mouths: communal orders in the countryside, zemstvo self-government, Orthodoxy. Of course, both the Westerners and the Slavophiles were different hypostases of Russian liberalism. True, the peculiarity of Slavophile liberalism was that it often appeared in the form of patriarchal-conservative utopias.

By the middle of the XIX century. in Russia, the attraction of educated youth to radical democratic, as well as to socialist ideas, begins to manifest itself. A.I. played an exceptionally important role in this process. Herzen (1812-1870), a brilliantly educated publicist and philosopher, a true "Nineteenth century Voltaire" (as he was called in Europe). In 1847 A.I. Herzen emigrated from Russia. In Europe, he hoped to participate in the struggle for socialist transformations in the most advanced countries. This was not accidental: there were quite a lot of admirers of socialism, ardent critics of the "ulcers of capitalism" in European countries. But the events of 1848 dispelled the romantic dreams of the Russian socialist. He saw that the majority of the people did not support the proletarians who fought heroically on the barricades of Paris. Moreover, Herzen was struck by the desire of many people in Europe for material wealth and prosperity, and their indifference to social problems. With bitterness, he wrote about the individualism of Europeans, their philistinism. Europe, soon began to assert A.I. Herzen, is no longer capable of social creativity and cannot be updated on the humanistic principles of life.

It was in Russia that he saw what he did not find in essence, in the West - the predisposition of the people's way of life to the ideals of socialism. He writes in his writings at the turn of the 40-50s. XIX century, that the communal order of the Russian peasantry will become a guarantee that Russia can pave the way to the socialist system. Russian peasants owned the land communally, jointly, and the peasant family traditionally received allotment on the basis of equalizing redistributions. The peasants were characterized by revenue and mutual assistance, a craving for collective work. Many crafts in Rus' have long been carried out by artel, together, with the widespread use of equalizing principles of production and distribution. Numerous Cossacks lived on the outskirts of the country, who also could not imagine their life without self-government, without traditional forms working together for the common good. Of course, the peasantry is poor and ignorant. But the peasants, having been freed from the oppression of the landlords and state arbitrariness, can and must be taught, instilled in them enlightenment and modern culture.

In the 50s. all thinking Russia read out in London, printed editions of A.I. Herzen. These were the almanac "Polar Star" and the magazine "Bell".

A major phenomenon in public life in the 1940s. became the activity of circles of student and officer youth, grouped around M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky (1821-1866). The members of the circle carried out energetic educational work and organized the release of encyclopedic dictionary, filling it with socialist and democratic content. In 1849 the circle was opened by the authorities and its members were severely repressed. Several people (among them was the future great writer F.M. Dostoevsky) experienced the full horror of waiting for the death penalty (it was replaced at the last moment by Siberian penal servitude). In the 40s. in Ukraine, there was the so-called Cyril and Methodius Society, which preached the ideas of Ukrainian identity (T.G. Shevchenko (1814-1861) was among the participants. They were also severely punished. T.G. Shevchenko, for example, was sent to the army for 10 years old and exiled to Central Asia.

In the middle of the century, writers and journalists acted as the most resolute opponents of the regime. The ruler of the souls of democratic youth in the 40s. was V.G. Belinsky (1811-1848), literary critic, who stood up for the ideals of humanism, social justice and equality. In the 50s. The editorial board of the Sovremennik magazine became the ideological center of the young democratic forces, in which N.A. began to play a leading role. Nekrasov (1821-1877), N.G. Chernyshevsky (1828-1889), N.A. Dobrolyubov (1836-1861). Young people gravitated towards the magazine, standing on the positions of a radical renewal of Russia, striving for the complete elimination of political oppression and social inequality. The ideological leaders of the magazine tried to convince readers of the necessity and possibility of Russia's rapid transition to socialism. At the same time, N.G. Chernyshevsky after A.I. Herzen argued that the peasant community can be the best form of people's life. If the Russian people were liberated from the oppression of the landlords and bureaucrats, Chernyshevsky believed, Russia could use this peculiar advantage of backwardness and even bypass the painful and long paths of bourgeois development. If during the preparation of the "Great Reforms" A.I. Herzen followed the activities of Alexander II with sympathy, but the position of Sovremennik was different. Its authors believed that autocratic power was incapable of just reform and dreamed of an early people's revolution.

The era of the 60s. laid the foundation for the difficult process of formalizing liberalism as an independent social movement. Famous lawyers B.N. Chicherin (1828-1907), K.D. Kavelin (1817-1885) - wrote about the haste of reforms, about the psychological unpreparedness of some sections of the people for change. Therefore, the main thing, in their opinion, was to ensure a calm, shock-free “growing” of society into new forms of life. They had to fight both the preachers of "stagnation", who were terribly afraid of changes in the country, and the radicals, who stubbornly preached the idea of ​​a social leap and rapid transformation of Russia (moreover, on the principles of social equality). The liberals were frightened by calls for popular revenge on the oppressors, heard from the camp of the radical raznochintsy intelligentsia.

At this time, Zemstvo bodies, more and more newspapers and magazines, and university professors became a kind of socio-political base for liberalism. Moreover, the concentration of elements in opposition to the government in zemstvos and city dumas was a natural phenomenon. The weak material and financial capabilities of local self-government bodies, the indifference to their activities on the part of government officials caused the Zemstvo residents to staunchly dislike the actions of the authorities. Increasingly, Russian liberals came to the conclusion about the need for deep political reforms in the empire. In the 70s-early 80s. Tver, Kharkiv, Chernigov Zemstvo most actively petition the government for the need for reforms in the spirit of the development of representative institutions, publicity and civil rights.

Russian liberalism had many different facets. With his left wing, he touched the revolutionary underground, with his right - the camp of the guards. Existing in post-reform Russia both as part of the political opposition and as part of the government (“liberal bureaucrats”), liberalism, in contrast to revolutionary radicalism and political protection, acted as a factor in civil reconciliation, which was so necessary in Russia at that time. Russian liberalism was weak, and this was predetermined by the underdevelopment of the country's social structure, the practical absence of a "third estate" in it, i.e. quite numerous bourgeoisie.

All the leaders of the Russian revolutionary camp expected in 1861-1863. peasant uprising (as a response to the difficult conditions of the peasant reform), which could develop into a revolution. But as the number decreases mass protests the most perspicacious of the radicals (A.I. Herzen, N.G. Chernyshevsky) stopped talking about the imminent revolution, predicted a long period of painstaking preparatory work in the countryside and society. Proclamations written in the early 1960s surrounded by N.G. Chernyshevsky, were not incitement to rebellion, but were a search for allies to create a bloc of opposition forces. The variety of addressees, from soldiers and peasants to students and intelligentsia, the variety of political recommendations, from addresses to Alexander II to demands for a democratic republic, confirm this conclusion. Such tactics of the revolutionaries are quite explicable, if one bears in mind their small numbers and poor organization. The Society "Land and Freedom" created by Chernyshevsky, Sleptsov, Obruchev, Serno-Solovyevich in late 1861-early 1862 in St. Petersburg did not have enough strength to become an all-Russian organization. It had a branch in Moscow and connections with similar small circles in Kazan, Kharkov, Kyiv and Perm, but this was too little for serious political work. In 1863 the organization dissolved itself. At this time, extremists and dogmatists became more active in the revolutionary movement, who swore by the names and views of A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky, but had very little in common with them. In the spring of 1862, the circle of P. Zaichnevsky and P. Argiropulo distributed the proclamation "Young Russia", filled with threats and bloody prophecies addressed to the government and the nobility. Her appearance was the reason for the arrest in 1862 of N.G. Chernyshevsky, who, by the way, severely reproached the authors of Young Russia for empty threats and inability to reasonably assess the situation in the country. The arrest also prevented the publication of his "Letters without an address" addressed to Alexander II, in which Chernyshevsky admitted that Russia's only hope in this period was liberal reforms, and the only force capable of consistently implementing them was the government, based on the local government. nobility.

On April 4, 1866, a member of one of the St. Petersburg revolutionary circles D.V. Karakozov shot Alexander P. The investigation came to a small group of students led by N.A. Ishutin, the unsuccessful creator of several cooperative workshops (following the example of the heroes of the novel What Is to Be Done?), an ardent admirer of N.G. Chernyshevsky. D.V. Karakozov was executed, and government conservatives used this attempt to put pressure on the emperor in order to slow down further reforms. The emperor himself at this time begins to alienate the supporters of consistent reformist measures, more and more trusting the supporters of the so-called "strong hand".

Meanwhile, an extreme direction is gaining strength in the revolutionary movement, which has set the goal of the total destruction of the state. S.G. became its brightest representative. Nechaev, who created the society "People's Reprisal". Forgery, blackmail, unscrupulousness, unconditional submission of the members of the organization to the will of the "leader" - all this, according to Nechaev, should have been used in the activities of the revolutionaries. Trial over the Nechaevs served as the plot basis of the great novel by F.M. Dostoevsky's "Demons", which with brilliant insight showed where such "fighters for the people's happiness" can lead Russian society. Most radicals denounced the Nechaevs as immoral and dismissed the phenomenon as an accidental "episode" in the history of the Russian revolutionary movement, but time has shown that the problem is far more important than mere chance.

Revolutionary circles of the 70s. moved gradually to new forms of activity. In 1874, mass circulation to the people began, in which thousands of young men and women took part. The youth themselves did not really know why they were going to the peasants - either to conduct propaganda, or to raise a peasant to an uprising, or simply to get acquainted with the "people". You can relate to this in different ways: consider it a touch on the "origins", an attempt by the intelligentsia to get closer to the "suffering people", a naive apostolic belief that the new religion is love of the people, raised the common people to an understanding of the beneficialness of socialist ideas, but from a political point of view of view, "going to the people" was a test for the correctness of the theoretical positions of M. Bakunin and P. Lavrov, new and popular theorists among populists.

Unorganized, without a single center of leadership, the movement was easily and quickly uncovered by the police, who inflated the case of anti-government propaganda. The revolutionaries were forced to revise their tactical methods and move on to more systematic propaganda activities. The theorists of revolutionary populism (and this political direction was already habitually called in Russia) still believed that in the foreseeable future it would be possible to replace the monarchy with a socialist republic based on a peasant community in the countryside and workers' associations in the cities. Persecution, harsh sentences for dozens of young people who participated in the “walking” and, in fact, did not commit anything illegal (and many diligently worked as zemstvo figures, paramedics, etc.) - hardened the populists. Most of them, engaged in propaganda work in the countryside, experienced their failures hard (after all, the peasants were not at all going to rebel against the government), they understood that small groups of young people could not do anything real yet. At the same time, their comrades in St. Petersburg and other large cities are increasingly resorting to terror tactics. Since March 1878, almost every month they have been committing "high-profile" murders of major officials of the ruling regime. Soon the group of A.I. Zhelyabova and S. Perovskoy begin the hunt for Alexander II himself. On March 1, 1881, another attempt to assassinate the emperor was successful.

The Narodnaya Volya were often reproached (in the liberal camp), and even now these reproaches seem to have experienced a second birth because they frustrated the attempts of government liberals to begin the process of the country's transition to constitutional rule as early as 1881. But this is not fair. Firstly, it was revolutionary activity that forced the government to rush to such measures (ie, the development of projects to involve the public in the development of state laws). Secondly, the government acted here in such secrecy, and with such distrust of society, that practically no one knew anything about the upcoming events. In addition, the terror of the Narodniks went through a series of stages. And their first terrorist actions were not a well-thought-out tactic, not even a program, but only an act of desperation, revenge for their fallen comrades. It was not in the intentions of the Narodnaya Volya to “seize” power. Interestingly, they only planned to get the government to organize elections to the Constituent Assembly. And in a clash between the government and the People's Will, no winner can be found. After March 1, both the government and the populist revolutionary movement found themselves in an impasse. Both forces needed a break, and such an event could provide it, which would drastically change the situation, make the whole country think about what is happening. The tragedy of March 1 turned out to be this event. Populism quickly split. Some of the populists (ready to continue the political struggle), led by G.V. Plekhanov (1856-1918) continued to search for the “correct” revolutionary theory which they soon found in Marxism. The other part moved on to peaceful cultural work among the peasants, becoming zemstvo teachers, doctors, intercessors and advocates for peasant affairs. They talked about the need for “small” but useful deeds for the common people, about the illiteracy and oppression of the people, about the need not for revolutions, but for enlightenment. They also had harsh critics (in Russia and in exile) who called such views cowardly and defeatist. These people continued to talk about the inevitability of a revolutionary clash between the people and their government. So the clash of power with radical forces was delayed for 20 years (until the beginning of the 20th century), but, unfortunately, it was not possible to avoid it.

The revision by the revolutionaries of their positions was also helped by the fact that in 1870-1880. the Russian labor movement is also gaining strength. The first organizations of the proletariat arose in St. Petersburg and Odessa and were called, respectively, the Northern Union of Russian Workers and the South Russian Union of Workers. They were under the influence of populist propagandists and were relatively few in number.

Already in the 80s. The working-class movement expanded significantly and elements of what soon made (at the beginning of the 20th century) the working-class movement one of the most important political factors in the life of the country appear in it. The largest strike in the post-reform years, the Morozov strike, confirmed this position.

It took place in 1885 at the Morozov manufactory in Orekhovo-Zuyevo. The leaders of the uprising developed requirements for the owner of the manufactory, and also transferred them to the governor. The governor called in the troops and the instigators were arrested. But during the trial, an event occurred that literally struck Emperor Alexander III and his government like thunder, and echoed throughout Russia: the jurors acquitted all 33 defendants.

Definitely in the 80's and 90's. 19th century under the conservative rule of Alexander III and his son Nicholas II (began ruling in 1894), it was out of the question for the authorities to allow the workers to fight for their rights in an organized manner. Both emperors did not allow the thought to allow the formation of trade unions or other, even non-political workers' organizations. They also considered such phenomena to be an expression of an alien, Western political culture, incompatible with Russian traditions.

As a result, by decision of the government, labor disputes had to be settled by special officials - factory inspectors, who, of course, were more often influenced by entrepreneurs than cared about the interests of workers. The government's inattention to the needs of the working class has led to the fact that admirers of the Marxist doctrine rush into the working environment and find support there. The first Russian Marxists, who were in exile, headed by G.V. Plekhanov, the Emancipation of Labor group, began their activities with the translation and distribution in Russia of books by K. Marx and F. Engels, as well as writing brochures in which they proved that the era of Russian capitalism had already begun, and the working class had to fulfill a historical mission - to lead a nationwide struggle against the oppression of tsarism, for social justice, for socialism.

It cannot be said that before G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, P.P. Axelrod, L.G. Deutsch and V.K. Ignatiev Marxism was unknown in Russia. For example, some populists corresponded with K. Marx and F. Engels, and M.A. Bakunin and G.A. Lopatin tried to translate the works of K. Marx. But it was the Plekhanov group that became the first Marxist organization to do a great job in emigration: they published at the end of the 19th century. over 250 Marxist works. The successes of the new doctrine in European countries, the propaganda of his views by the Plekhanov group led to the emergence in Russia of the first Social Democratic circles of D. Blagoev, M.I. Brusnev, P.V. Toginsky. These circles were not numerous and consisted primarily of the intelligentsia and students, but more and more often workers were now joining them. The new doctrine was surprisingly optimistic, it met both the hopes and the psychological mood of the Russian radicals. The new class - the proletariat, rapidly growing, being exploited by entrepreneurs, not protected by legislation by a clumsy and conservative government, associated with advanced technology and production, more educated and united than the inert peasantry crushed by want - it appeared in the eyes of radical intellectuals as that fertile material , from which it was possible to prepare a force capable of defeating royal despotism. According to the teachings of K. Marx, only the proletariat can liberate oppressed humanity, but for this it must be aware of its own (and, ultimately, universal) interests. Such a social force appeared in Russia in a historically short period of time and resolutely declared itself through strikes and strikes. To give the development of the proletariat the "correct" direction, to bring into it the socialist consciousness - this great, but historically necessary task was to be performed by the Russian revolutionary intelligentsia. She herself thought so. But first it was necessary to "destroy" the Narodniks ideologically, who continued to "reiterate" that Russia could bypass the stage of capitalism, that its socio-economic characteristics did not allow the schemes of Marxist teaching to be applied to it. In the wake of this controversy, already in the mid-90s. V.I. stood out in the Marxist environment. Ulyanov (Lenin) (1870-1924), a lawyer by education, a young propagandist who came to St. Petersburg from the Volga region.

In 1895, with his associates, he created a fairly large organization in the capital, which managed to play an active role in some workers' strikes - the "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class" (several hundred workers and intellectuals participated in it). After the defeat of the "Union of Struggle" by the police, V.I. Lenin was exiled to Siberia, where, as far as possible, he tried to participate in a new discussion between those Marxists who tried to focus on the economic struggle of workers for their rights and, accordingly, placed their hopes on the reformist path of development of Russia, and those who did not believe in the possibility of tsarism. to ensure the progressive development of the country and pinned all his hopes on the people's revolution. IN AND. Ulyanov (Lenin) resolutely joined the latter.

All noted social movements represented different facets of political opposition. Russian Marxists, only at first glance, were faithful followers of the Western radical doctrine that developed in the conditions of the then early industrial society, where acute social inequality still dominated. But European Marxism at the end of the XIX century. is already losing its destructive anti-state attitude. European Marxists are increasingly relying on the fact that through the democratic constitutions that have been adopted in their countries, they will be able to achieve social justice in society. So they gradually became part of political system in their countries.

Russian Marxism is another matter. The fighting radical spirit of the previous generation of Russian populist socialists lived in him, who were ready for any sacrifice and suffering in the struggle against the autocracy. They saw themselves as tools of history, spokesmen for the true will of the people. Thus, the European idea of ​​socialism was combined with a complex of purely Russian ideological moods, which were characterized by maximalism of goals and significant isolation from reality. Hence, Russian Marxists, just like the Narodniks, manifested a literally religious belief that as a result of a people's revolution in Russia, it is possible to quickly build a just state in all respects, where any social evil will be eradicated.

The huge complex of economic and social problems that Russia faced in the post-reform decades caused ideological confusion in the camp of Russian conservatives as well. In the 60-80s. the talented journalist M.N. tried to give the autocracy a new ideological weapon. Katkov. In his articles all the time there were calls for the establishment of a "strong hand" regime in the country. It meant the suppression of any dissent, a ban on the publication of materials of liberal content, strict censorship, the preservation of social framework in society, control over zemstvos and city dumas. The education system was built in such a way that it was permeated with the ideas of loyalty to the throne and the church. Another talented conservative, chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod K.P. Pobedonostsev resolutely warned the Russians against the introduction of a constitutional system, since it was something lower, in his opinion, in comparison with autocracy. And this superiority, as it were, consisted in the greater honesty of the autocracy. As Pobedonostsev argued, the idea of ​​representation is essentially false, since not the people, but only its representatives (and far from being the most honest, but only clever and ambitious) participate in political life. The same applies to parliamentarism, since the struggle of political parties, the ambitions of deputies, etc. play a huge role in it.

It really is. But after all, Pobedonostsev did not want to admit that the representative system also had huge advantages: the possibility of recalling deputies who did not justify the trust, the possibility of criticizing the shortcomings of the political and economic system in the state, the separation of powers, the right to choose. Yes, the jury trial, the Zemstvos, the then Russian press were not ideal at all. But how did the ideologists of conservatism want to remedy the situation? Yes, in fact, no way. They are just, like the old N.M. Karamzin, demanded that the tsar appoint honest, and not thieving, officials to ministerial and gubernatorial posts, demanded that the peasants be given only an elementary, strictly religious in content, education, demanded that students, Zemstvo, supporters of national identity be mercilessly punished for dissent (and these movements are increasingly active manifest themselves at the end of the century), etc. The ideologists of the autocracy avoided discussing such issues as the lack of land of the peasants, the arbitrariness of entrepreneurs, the low standard of living of a huge part of the peasants and workers. Their ideas reflected, in fact, the powerlessness of the conservatives in the face of the formidable problems that confronted society at the end of the 19th century. In addition, among the conservatives there were already quite a few such thinkers who, advocating for Orthodox spiritual values, the preservation of national everyday traditions, fighting the onset of "Western" spiritual culture, sharply criticized government policy for inefficiency and even "reactionary".

The pre-capitalist cultural traditions in Russia contained few prerequisites for the formation of a bourgeois personality type. Rather, they developed such a complex of institutions and ideas that N.G. Chernyshevsky called "Asiaticism": domostroy, age-old habits of subordination to the state, indifference to legal forms, replaced by the "idea of ​​arbitrariness." Therefore, although the educated layer in Russia showed a relatively high ability to assimilate elements of European culture, these elements could not gain a foothold in the thickness of the population, falling on unprepared soil, they rather caused a destructive effect; led to cultural disorientation mass consciousness(philistinism, tramp, drunkenness, etc.). From this, the paradox of the cultural process in Russia in the 19th century becomes clear, which consisted in a sharp gap between the developed stratum of the intelligentsia, the nobility, the raznochintsy and the working masses.

One of the essential features historical development Russia consisted in the fact that in the 19th century, when the national bourgeoisie could not become the leading force in the liberation movement, the intelligentsia acted as the main subjects of the political process “from below”.

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