Labor movement in Russia. RSDLP education
Introduction
1. Socio-political development of Russia in the first half of the XIX century. Choosing the path of social development
1.1 Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the XIX century.
1.2 Decembrist movement
1.3 Social movements in Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century
2. Socio-political development of Russia in the second half of the 19th century
2.1 Peasant movement
2.2 Liberal movement
2.3 Social movement
2.4 Polish uprising of 18632.5 Labor movement
2.6 The revolutionary movement in the 80s and early 90s
Conclusion
List of used literature
Introduction
In the first half of the 19th century, Russia was one of the largest European powers. Its territory was about 18 million square kilometers, and the population exceeded 70 million people.
The basis of the Russian economy was agriculture. Serfs were the most numerous category of the population. The land was the exclusive property of the landowners or the state.
The industrial development of Russia, despite the general increase in the number of enterprises by about 5 times, was low. In the main industries, the labor of serfs was used, which was not very profitable. The basis of the industry was handicraft peasant crafts. In the center of Russia there were large industrial villages (for example, Ivanovo). At this time, the number of industrial centers increased significantly. This affected the growth of the urban population. The largest cities were St. Petersburg and Moscow.
The development of the mining and textile industries led to the intensification of trade both within the country and in the foreign market. Trade was predominantly seasonal. Fairs were the main trading centers. Their number in that period reached 4000.
The transport and communication systems were poorly developed, and also were mainly seasonal in nature: in the summer the waterway prevailed, in the winter - tobogganing.
At the beginning of the 19th century, a series of reforms took place in Russia that influenced its further development.
The purpose of the control work is to consider socio-political movements in the 2-3 quarters of the 19th century.
Work tasks:
1. to analyze the features of the socio-political development of Russia in the first half of the 19th century;
2. to reveal the essence of the socio-political development of Russia in the 2nd half of the 19th century.
1. Socio-political development of Russia in the first half of the XIX century. Choosing the path of social development
1.1 Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century
The first years of the reign of Alexander I were marked by a noticeable revival of public life. Topical issues of domestic and foreign policy of the state were discussed in scientific and literary societies, in circles of students and teachers, in secular salons and in Masonic lodges. The focus of public attention was the attitude toFrench Revolution, serfdom and autocracy.
The lifting of the ban on the activities of private printing houses, the permission to import books from abroad, the adoption of a new censorship charter (1804) - all this had a significant impact on the further spread of the ideas of the European Enlightenment in Russia. Enlightenment goals were set by I. P. Pnin, V. V. Popugaev, A. Kh. Vostokov, A. P. Kunitsyn, who created in St. Petersburg Free Society lovers of literature, sciences and arts (1801-1825). Being strongly influenced by the views of Radishchev, they translated the works of Voltaire, Diderot, Montesquieu, published articles and literary works.
Supporters of various ideological directions began to group around new magazines. The Bulletin of Europe, published by N. M. Karamzin, and then by V. A. Zhukovsky, was popular.
Most Russian enlighteners considered it necessary to reform autocratic rule and abolish serfdom. However, they constituted only a small part of society, and, in addition, remembering the horrors of the Jacobin terror, they hoped to achieve their goal peacefully, through education, moral education and the formation of civil consciousness.
The bulk of the nobility and officials were conservative. The views of the majority are reflected in “Note on Ancient and New Russia” by N. M. Karamzin (1811). Recognizing the need for change, Karamzin opposed the plan for constitutional reforms, since Russia, where "the sovereign is a living law," does not need a constitution, but fifty "intelligent and virtuous governors."
The Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian army played a huge role in the development of national self-consciousness. The country was experiencing a huge patriotic upsurge, among the people and in society hopes for broad transformations revived, everyone was waiting for changes for the better - and they did not wait. The peasants were the first to be disillusioned. The heroic participants in the battles, the saviors of the Fatherland, they hoped to gain freedom, but from the manifesto on the occasion of the victory over Napoleon (1814) they heard: "Peasants, our faithful people - let them receive their reward from God." A wave of peasant uprisings swept across the country, the number of which increased in the post-war period. In total, according to incomplete data, about 280 peasant uprisings occurred in a quarter of a century, and about 2/3 of them took place in 1813-1820. Especially long and fierce was the movement on the Don (1818-1820), which involved more than 45 thousand peasants. Constant unrest was accompanied by the introduction of military settlements. One of the largest was the uprising in Chuguev in the summer of 1819. There was also growing discontent in the army, which consisted for the most part of the peasants recruited through recruitment sets. An unheard-of event was the indignation of the Semyonovsky Guards Regiment, whose chief was the emperor. In October 1820, the soldiers of the regiment, driven to despair by the harassment of their regimental commander F. E. Schwartz, filed a complaint against him and refused to obey their officers. On the personal instructions of Alexander I, nine "guilty" were driven through the ranks, and then exiled to Siberia, the regiment was disbanded.
The strengthening of the conservative-protective principles in the official ideology manifested itself in a return to the traditional image of Russia as a Christian power. The autocracy tried to oppose religious dogmas to the influence of the revolutionary ideas of the West. The personal mood of the emperor also played a big role here, who attributed the success of the war with Bonaparte to the intervention of supernatural divine forces. It is also significant that the Council of State, the Senate and the Synod presented Alexander I with the title of the Blessed. After 1815, the emperor, and after him and a significant part of society, increasingly plunged into religious and mystical moods. A peculiar manifestation of this phenomenon was the activity of the Bible Society, created at the end of 1812 and by 1816 had acquired an official character. A huge role in the activities of the Bible Society was played by its President, Minister of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education A. N. Golitsyn. The main goal of the society was the translation, publication and distribution of the Bible among the people. In 1821, the New Testament in Russian was published for the first time in Russia. However, the ideas of mysticism spread widely among the members of the society. Golitsyn contributed to the publication and distribution of books of mystical content, provided patronage to various sects, was a supporter of the union of Christian faiths, the equation of Orthodoxy with other religions. All this caused opposition to the course of Golitsyn by numerous church hierarchs, which was headed by Photius, Archimandrite of the Novgorod Yuriev Monastery. In May 1824 followed the disgrace of Prince Golitsyn and the cooling of Alexander I to the activities of the society. At the end of 1824, the new president of the society, Metropolitan Seraphim, presented to the emperor a report on the need to close the Bible Society as harmful, in April 1826 it was liquidated
1.2 Decembrist movement
The government's rejection of the policy of transformation, the intensification of the reaction caused the emergence of the first revolutionary movement in Russia, the basis of which was made up of progressive-minded military from the liberal strata of the nobility. One of the origins of the emergence of “freethinking in Russia” was Patriotic War.
In 1814-1815. the first secret officer organizations appear (“Union of Russian Knights”, “Sacred artel”, “Semenovskaya artel”). Their founders - M. F. Orlov, M. A. Dmitriev-Mamonov, A. and M. Muravyovs - considered unacceptable the preservation of the serfdom of peasants and soldiers who performed a civil feat during the Napoleonic invasion.
In February 1816 Petersburg on the initiative of A. N. Muravyov, N. M. Muravyov, M. and S. Muravyov-Apostolov, S. P. Trubetskoy and I.D. Yakushkin was created Salvation Union. This centralized conspiratorial organization included 30 patriotic-minded young military men. A year later, the Union adopted a “statute” - a program and a charter, after which the organization became known as Society of true and faithful sons of the Fatherland. The goals of the struggle were declared to be the destruction of serfdom "and the establishment of constitutional government. These demands were supposed to be presented at the time of the change of monarchs on the throne. M. S. Lunin and I. D. Yakushkin raised the question of the need for regicide, but N. Muravyov, I. G. Burtsov and others opposed violence, for propaganda as the only way to act.Disputes about ways to achieve the goals of society necessitated the adoption of a new charter andprogram.In 1818, a special commission (S.P. Trubetskoy, N. Muravyov, P.P. Koloshin) developed a new charter, called according to the color of the binding “Green Book”. The first secret society was abolished and created Welfare Union. Before the members of the Union, which could be not only the military, but also merchants, philistines, clergy and free peasants, the task was to prepare public opinion for the need for change within about 20 years. The ultimate goals of the Union - a political and social revolution - were not declared in the "Book", since it was intended for wide distribution.
The Welfare Union had about 200 members. It was led by the Root Council in St. Petersburg, the main councils (branches) were located in Moscow and Tulchin (in Ukraine), councils arose in Poltava, Tambov, Kyiv, Chisinau, in the Nizhny Novgorod province. Educational societies of a semi-legal nature were formed around the Union. Officers - members of the society put the ideas of the "Green Book" into practice (abolition of corporal punishment, training in schools, in the army).
However, dissatisfaction with educational activities in the context of growing peasant unrest, performances in the army, a number of military revolutions in Europe led to the radicalization of part of the Union. In January 1821, a congress of the Root Council met in Moscow. He declared the Welfare Union "dissolved" in order to facilitate the weeding out of "unreliable" members who opposed the conspiracy and violent measures. Immediately after the congress, almost simultaneously, secret Northern and Southern Societies arose, uniting supporters of an armed coup and preparing the uprising of 1825. Southern Society became the Southern Council of the Union of Welfare in Tulchin. Its chairman was P. I. Pestel(1793-1826). He was a man of great talents, received an excellent education, distinguished himself in battles at Leipzig, at Troyes. By 1820, Pestel was already a staunch supporter of the republican form of government. In 1824, the Southern Society adopted a program document drawn up by them - "Russian Truth" put forward the task of establishing a republican system in Russia. Russkaya Pravda proclaimed the dictatorship of the Provisional Supreme Rule for the entire duration of the revolution, which, as Pestel assumed, would last 10-15 years. According to Pestel's project, Russia was to become a single centralized state with a republican form of government. Legislative power belonged to the People's Council of 500 people, which was elected for a term of 5 years. The Sovereign Duma, elected at the Veche, consisting of 5 members, became the body of executive power. The supreme control body was the Supreme Council of 120 citizens elected for life. The class division was eliminated, all citizens were endowed with political rights. Serfdom was abolished. The land fund of each parish was divided into public (inalienable) and private half. From the first half, the liberated peasants and all citizens who wished to engage in agriculture received land. The second half consisted of state and private possessions and was subject to sale and purchase. The project proclaimed the sacred right of personal property, established freedom of occupation and religion for all citizens of the republic.
The southern society recognized an armed uprising in the capital as a necessary condition for success, and accordingly the conditions for membership in the society were changed: now only a military man could become a member, "a decision was made on the strictest discipline and conspiracy. After the liquidation of the Union of Welfare in St. Petersburg, a new secret society was immediately formed - North, the main core of which was N. M. Muravyov, NI. Turgenev, M. S. Lunin, S. P. Trubetskoy, E. P. Obolensky and I. I. Pushchin. In the future, the composition of the society expanded significantly. A number of its members departed from the republican decisions of the Indigenous Council and returned to the idea of a constitutional monarchy. The program of the Northern Society can be judged by constitutional project of Nikita Muravyov, not accepted, however, as an official document of the society. Russia became a constitutional-monarchiststate. Federative division of the country into 15 "powers" was introduced. Power was divided into legislative, executive and judicial. The supreme legislative body was the bicameral People's Council, elected for a period of 6 years on the basis of a high property qualification. Legislative power in each "power" was performed by a bicameral Sovereign Council, elected for 4 years. The emperor owned the executive power, he became the "supreme official." The supreme judicial body of the federation was the Supreme Court. The class system was canceled, civil and political freedoms were proclaimed. Serfdom was destroyed, in the latest version of the constitution, N. Muravyov provided for the allocation of land to the liberated peasants (2 acres per yard). The landed property was preserved.
However, a more radical trend, headed by K.F., was gaining more and more strength in Northern society. Ryleev. His literary activity brought him fame: the satire on Arakcheev “To the temporary worker” (1820), “Duma”, which glorified the fight against tyranny, was especially popular. He joined the society in 1823 and a year later was elected its director. Ryleev adhered to republican views.
The most intense activity of the Decembrist organizations falls on 1824-1825: preparations were made for an open armed uprising, hard work was underway to harmonize the political platforms of the Northern and Southern societies. In 1824, it was decided to prepare and hold a unification congress by the beginning of 1826, and in the summer of 1826 to carry out a military coup. In the second half of 1825, the forces of the Decembrists increased: Society united Slavs. It arose in 1818 as a secret political “Society of First Consent”, in 1823 it was transformed into the Society of United Slavs, the purpose of the organization was to create a powerful republican democratic federation of Slavic peoples.
In May 1821, the emperor became aware of the Decembrists' conspiracy: to him reported on the plans and composition of the Union of Welfare. But Alexander I limited himself to the words: “It’s not for me to execute them.” Uprising December 14, 1825 The sudden death of Alexander I in Taganrog, which followed November 19, 1825 d., changed the plans of the conspirators and forced them to speak ahead of schedule.
Tsarevich Konstantin was considered the heir to the throne. On November 27, the troops and the population were sworn in to Emperor Constantine I. Only on December 12, 1825, from Constantine, who was in Warsaw, did an official message come about his abdication. Immediately followed by a manifesto on the accession of Emperor Nicholas I and on 14 December In 1825, a “re-swearing” was appointed. Interregnum causeddiscontent among the people and in the army. The moment for the implementation of the plans of secret societies was exceptionally favorable. In addition, the Decembrists became aware that the government had received denunciations about their activities, and on December 13, Pestel was arrested.
The plan for a coup d'état was adopted during meetings of members of the society at Ryleyev's apartment in St. Petersburg. Decisive importance was attached to the success of the performance in the capital. At the same time, troops in the south of the country, in the 2nd Army, were to act. One of the founders of the Salvation Union, S. P. Trubetskoy, colonel of the guard, famous and popular among the soldiers. On the appointed day, it was decided to withdraw the troops to Senate Square, prevent the oath of the Senate and the State Council to Nikolai Pavlovich and, on their behalf, promulgate the “Manifesto to the Russian People”, proclaiming the abolition of serfdom, freedom of the press, conscience, occupation and movement, the introduction of universal military service instead of recruitment. The government was declared deposed, and power passed to the Provisional Government until a decision was made by the representative Grand Council on the form of government in Russia. The royal family was to be arrested. The Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress were supposed to be captured with the help of troops, and Nicholas to be killed.
But the planned plan failed. A. Yakubovich, who was supposed to command the Marine Guards crew and the Izmailovsky regiment during the capture of the Winter Palace and arrest the royal family, refused to complete this task for fear of becoming the culprit of regicide. The Moscow Life Guards Regiment appeared on Senate Square, later sailors of the Guards crew and Life Grenadiers joined it - about 3 thousand soldiers and 30 officers in total. While Nikolai I was gathering troops to the square, Governor-General M.A. Miloradovich turned to the rebels with a call to disperse and was mortally wounded by P.G. Kakhovsky. It soon became clear that Nikolai had already managed to swear in the members of the Senate and the State Council. P. Trubetskoy did not appear on the square. In the evening, the Decembrists chose a new dictator - Prince E. P. Obolensky, but time was lost. Nicholas I, after several unsuccessful attacks by the cavalry, gave the order to fire canister shots from cannons. 1271 people were killed, and most of the victims - more than 900 - turned out to be among the sympathizers and the curious who had gathered on the square. December 29, 1825 S.I. Muravyov-Apostol and M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin managed to raise the Chernigov regiment, which was stationed in the south, in the village of Trilesy. Government troops were sent against the rebels. 3 January 1826 The Chernigov regiment was defeated.
579 officers were involved in the investigation, which was led by Nicholas I himself, 280 of them were found guilty. July 13, 1826 K. F. Ryleev, P. I. Pestel, S. I. Muravyov-Apostol, M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin m P. G. Kakhovsky were hanged. The rest of the Decembrists were demoted, exiled to hard labor in Siberia and the Caucasian regiments. Soldiers and sailors (2.5 thousand people) were judged separately. Some of them were sentenced to punishment with gauntlets (178 people), 23 - with sticks and rods. Others were sent to the Caucasus and Siberia.
1.3 Social movements in Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century
In the first years of the reign of Nikolai Pavlovich, his desire to restore order in state institutions, eradicate abuses and establish the rule of law inspired the public with hope for changes for the better. Nicholas I was even compared with Peter I. But the illusions were quickly dispelled.
In the late 20's - early 30's. Moscow University becomes the center of social unrest. Among its students, circles arise in which plans are developed for conducting anti-government agitation (the circle of the Kritsky brothers), an armed uprising and the introduction of constitutional government (the circle of N. P. Sungurov). -s. A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev. All these student societies did not exist for long, they were discovered and destroyed.
At the same time, a student of Moscow University V. G. Belinsky (1811-1848) organized the “Literary Society of Number 11” (according to the room number), in which his drama “Dmitry Kalinin”, questions of philosophy and aesthetics were discussed. In 1832, Belinsky was expelled from the university "for limited abilities" and because of "poor health."
A little longer than others, the circle of N.V. Stankevich, also at Moscow University, existed. He was distinguished by liberal political moderation. The members of the circle were fond of German philosophy, especially Hegel, history and literature. After Stankevich's departure for treatment abroad in 1837, the circle gradually disintegrated. From the end of the 30s. liberal direction took the form ideological currents Westernism and Slavophilism.
Slavophiles - mainly thinkers and publicists (A. S. Khomyakov, I. V. and P. V. Kireevsky, I. S. and K. S. Aksakov, Yu. F. Samarin) idealized pre-Petrine Russia, insisted on its originality, which they saw in the peasant community, alien to social hostility, and orthodoxy. These features, in their opinion, will ensure a peaceful path of social transformations in the country. Russia was supposed to return to Zemsky Sobors, but without serfdom.
Westerners - predominantly historians and writers (I. S. Turgenev, T. N. Granovsky, S. M. Solovyov, K. D. Kavelin, B. N. Chicherin) were supporters of the European path of development and advocated a peaceful transition to a parliamentary system. However, in the main positions of the Slavophiles and the Westerners coincided: they advocated political and social reforms from above, against revolutions.
radical direction formed around the journals Sovremennik and Otechestvennye Zapiski, in which V. G. Belinsky, A. I. Herzen, and N. A. Nekrasov spoke. Supporters of this direction also believed that Russia would follow the European path, but unlike the liberals, they believed that revolutionary upheavals were inevitable. Herzen, dissociating himself in the late 40s. from Westernism and having adopted a number of ideas of the Slavophiles, he came to the idea Russian socialism. He considered the community and the artel the basis of the future social structure and assumed self-government on a national scale and public ownership of land.
An independent figure of the vidya opposition to Nikolaev rule became P. Ya. Chaadaev(1794-1856). A graduate of Moscow University, a participant in the Battle of Borodino and the “battle of the peoples” near Leipzig, a friend of the Decembrists and A. S. Pushkin, in 1836 he published in the journal Telescope the first of his Philosophical Letters, which, according to Herzen, all thinking Russia. Chaadaev gave a very gloomy assessment of Russia's historical past and its role in world history; he was extremely pessimistic about the possibilities of social progress in Russia. The main reason for Russia’s separation from the European historical tradition, Chaadaev considered the rejection of Catholicism in favor of the religion of slavery - Orthodoxy. The government regarded the “Letter” as an anti-government speech: the magazine was closed, the publisher was sent into exile, the censor was fired, and Chaadaev declared insane and placed under police supervision.
A significant place in the history of the social movement of the 40s. occupies a society that has developed around a utopian socialist M. V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. Since 1845, acquaintances gathered at his Friday to discuss philosophical, literary and socio-political issues. F. M. Dostoevsky, A. N. Maikov, A. N. Pleshcheev, M. E. Saltykov, A. G. Rubinshtein, P. P. Semenov were here. Gradually, separate illegal groups of his supporters began to emerge around the Petrashevsky circle in St. Petersburg . By 1849, part of the Petrashevites, who had pinned their hopes on a peasant revolution, began to discuss plans to create a secret society, the purpose of which would be to overthrow the autocracy and destroy serfdom. In April 1849, the most active members of the circle "were arrested, their intentions were regarded by the investigating commission as the most dangerous“ conspiracy of ideas ”, and the military court sentenced 21 Petrashevites to death. to the settlement. The period called by A. I. Herzen, “the era of excited mental interests”, has ended. There was a reaction in Russia. A new revival came only in 1856.
Peasant movement during the reign of Nicholas I, it constantly increased: if in the second quarter of the century there were an average of up to 43 performances per year, then in the 50s. their number reached 100. The main reason, as the department informed the tsar III in 1835, which caused cases of disobedience of the peasants, was the “thought of liberty”. The largest performances of this period were the so-called "Cholera riots". In the autumn of 1830, the uprising of the Tambov peasants during the epidemic marked the beginning of unrest that engulfed entire provinces and lasted until August 1831. Huge crowds in cities and villages, fueled by rumors of deliberate infection, smashed hospitals, killed doctors, policemen and officials. In the summer of 1831, during the cholera epidemic in St. Petersburg, up to 600 people died daily. The unrest that began in the city spread to the Novgorod military settlements. In 1834-1835, the state peasants of the Urals were greatly indignant, caused by the government's intention to transfer them to the category of appanage. In the 40s. mass unauthorized resettlement of serfs from 14 provinces to the Caucasus and other areas began, which the government managed to stop with difficulty with the help of troops.
The unrest of the serf workers in these years acquired a significant scope. Of the 108 labor unrest in the 30-50s. approximately 60% occurred among sessional workers. In 1849, more than half a century of struggle of Kazan cloth makers ended with their transfer from a positional state to a civilian one.
1.4 National liberation movement
Polish uprising 1830-1831 The accession of Poland to the Russian Empire strengthened the opposition movement, which was headed by the Polish nobility and whose goal was to restore Polish statehood and return Poland to the borders of 1772. Violations of the constitution of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815, the arbitrariness of the Russian administration, and the influence of the European revolutions of 1830 created an explosive situation in Dolsh. On November 17 (29), members of a secret society that united officers, students, and intellectuals attacked the residence of Grand Duke Konstantin in Warsaw. The townspeople and soldiers of the Polish army joined the conspirators. The Provisional Government was formed, the creation of the National Guard began. On January 13 (25), the Seim proclaimed the dethronement (removal from the Polish throne) of Nicholas I and elected the National Government headed by A. Czartoryski. This meant a declaration of war on Russia.
Soon, the 120,000-strong Russian army under the command of I. I. Dibich entered the Kingdom of Poland. Despite the numerical superiority of the Russian troops ( Polish army numbered 50-60 thousand. people), the war dragged on. Only on August 27 (September 8) did the Russian army under the command of I.F. Paskevich (he replaced Dibmch, who died of cholera) enter Warsaw. The constitution of 1815 was repealed. According to the 1832 Organic statute Poland became an integral part of Russia. Caucasian war. Ended in the 20s. 19th century the annexation of the Caucasus to Russia gave rise to the separatist movement of the mountaineers-Muslims of Chechnya, Mountainous Dagestan and the North-Western Caucasus. It took place under the banner of muridism (obedience) and was headed by the local clergy. The Murids called on all Muslims to a holy war against the "infidels". AT 1834 imam (leader of the movement) Shamil. On the territory of mountainous Dagestan and Chechnya, he created a theocratic state - the imamate, which had ties with Turkey and received military support from England. Shamil's popularity was enormous, he managed to gather up to 20 thousand soldiers under his command. After significant success in the 1940s Shamil under the pressure of Russian troops was forced to surrender in 1859 in the village of Gunib. Then he was in honorary exile in Central Russia. In the North-Western Caucasus, the hostilities conducted by the tribes of the Adygs, Shapsugs, Ubykhs and Circassians continued until the end of 1864, when the Kbaada (Krasnaya Polyana) tract was taken.
2. Socio-political development of Russia in the second half of the 19th century
2.1 Peasant movement
Peasant movement since the late 50s. fueled by constant rumors about the impending release. If in 1851-1855. 287 peasant unrest occurred, then in 1856-1859. - 1341. The deep disappointment of the peasants in the nature and content of the reform was expressed in mass refusals to fulfill their duties and sign "statutory letters". Rumors spread widely among the peasantry about the forgery of the “Regulations of February 19” and about the preparation by the government of a “real will” by 1863.
The largest number of unrest falls on March - July 1861, when the disobedience of the peasants was registered in 1176 estates. In 337 estates, military commands were used to pacify the peasants. The largest clashes occurred in the Penza and Kazan provinces. In the village of Bezdna, which became the center of peasant unrest that engulfed three counties of the Kazan province, 91 people were killed and wounded by troops. In 1862-1863. the wave of peasant uprisings noticeably subsided. In 1864, open disturbances of peasants were registered only in 75 estates.
From the mid-70s, the peasant movement again began to gain strength under the influence of land scarcity, the severity of payments and duties. The consequences of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 also affected, and in 1879-1880. poor harvest and crop shortages caused famine. The number of peasant unrest grew mainly in the central, eastern and southern provinces. The unrest among the peasants was intensified by the rumors about the impending new redistribution of land.
The largest numberperformances of peasants falls on 1881-1884. The main reasons for unrest were the increase in the size of various duties and the appropriation of peasant lands by the landowners. The peasant movement noticeably intensified after the famine of 1891-1892, and the peasants increasingly resorted to armed attacks on police and military detachments, to seizures of landowners' property, and collective logging.
Meanwhile, in his agricultural policy The government tried by regulating peasant life to preserve its patriarchal way of life. After the abolition of serfdom, the process of disintegration of the peasant family quickly went on, the number of family divisions grew. Law of 1886 established the procedure for holding a family division only with the consent of the head of the family and 2/3 of the village meeting. But this measure only led to the growth of illegal divisions, because it was impossible to stop this natural process. In the same year, a law was passed on the hiring of agricultural workers, obliging the peasant to sign an agreement to work with the landowner and providing for severe punishment for leaving him without permission. The government attached great importance in its agrarian policy to the preservation of the peasant community. The law adopted in 1893 forbade the mortgage of allotment lands, allowed their sale only to fellow villagers, and the early redemption of peasant lands, provided for by the “Regulations of February 19, 1861,” allowed only with the consent of 2/3 of the gathering. In the same year, a law was passed, which had the task of eliminating some of the shortcomings of communal land use. The right of the community to redistribute the land was limited, and the allotments were assigned to the peasants. From now on, at least 2/3 of the gathering had to vote for the redistribution, and the interval between redistributions could not be less than 12 years. This created conditions for improving the quality of land cultivation, increasing productivity. The laws of 1893 strengthened the positions of the prosperous peasantry, made it difficult for the poorest peasantry to leave the community, and consolidated the lack of land. For the sake of preserving the community, the government, despite the abundance of free land, held back the resettlement movement.
2.2 Liberal movement
liberal movement late 50s-early 60s. was the widest and had many various shades. But, one way or another, the liberals advocated the peaceful establishment of constitutional forms of government, for political and civil freedoms and enlightenment of the people. Historians were the first to outline the program of Russian liberalism K.D,Kavelin and B: N. Chicherin, who, in their "Letter to the Publisher" (1856), spoke in favor of reforming the existing order "from above" and proclaimed the "law of gradualness" as the basic law of history. Widespread in the late 50s. received liberal notes and reform projects, liberal journalism developed. Tribune of liberal Westerners! ideas was the new journal "Russian Messenger" (1856-1862>, | based M. N. Katkov. Liberal-Slavophile A. I. Koshelev the magazines "Russian conversation" and "Rural improvement" were published. In 1863, the publication of one of the largest Russian newspapers, Russkiye Vedomosti, began in Moscow, which became the organ of the liberal intelligentsia. Since 1866, the liberal historian M. M. Stasyulevich founded the journal Vestnik Evropy.
A peculiar phenomenon of Russian liberalism was the position of the Tver provincial nobility, which, even during the preparation and discussion of the peasant reform, came up with a constitutional project. It called for the destruction of the estates, the reform of the court, administration and finance.
The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.
In an effort to go beyond local interests and associations, liberal leaders spent in the late 70s. several general zemstvo congresses, to which the government reacted rather neutrally. Only in 1880. leaders of liberalism S. A. Muromtsev, V. Yu. Skalon, A. A. Chuprov appealed to M. T. Loris-Melikov with a call to introduce constitutional principles.
In the conditions of the political crisis at the turn of the 50-60s. stepped up their activities revolutionary democrats - radical wing of the opposition. Since 1859, the journal Sovremennik, which was led N. G. Chernyshevsky(1828-1889) and I. A. Dobrolyubov(1836-1861).
A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky in the early 60s. formulated concept of revolutionary populism(Russian socialism), combining the social utopianism of the French socialists with the rebellious movement of the Russian peasantry.
Strengtheningpeasant unrest during the period of the reform.G861 instilled in the leaders of the radical trend hope for the possibility of a peasant revolution in Russia. The revolutionary democrats distributed leaflets and proclamations, which contained calls for peasants, students, soldiers, and schismatics to prepare for the struggle (“Bow to the lord peasants from their well-wishers”, “K young generation”, “Great Russian” and “Young Russia”).
The agitation of the leaders of the democratic camp had a definite influence on the development and expansion student movement. In Kazan, in April 1861, there was a speech by students of the university and the theological academy, who held a demonstrative memorial service for the peasants killed in the village of Bezdna, Spassky district, Kazan province. In the autumn of 1861, the student movement engulfed St. Petersburg, Moscow and Kazan, and street demonstrations of students took place in both capitals. The formal cause for unrest was the issues of internal university life, but their political nature was manifested in the struggle against the authorities.
In late 1861 - early 1862, a group of revolutionary populists (N. A. Serno-Solovyevich, M. L. Mikhailov, N. N. Obruchev, A. A. Sleptsov, N. V. Shelgunov) created the first after the defeat of the Decembrists conspiratorial revolutionary organization of all-Russian significance. Her inspirers were Herzen and Chernyshevsky. The organization was called "Land and freedom". She was engaged in the distribution of illegal literature, led the preparations for the uprising, scheduled for 1863.
In the middle of 1862, the government, with the support of the liberals, launched a broad repressive campaign against the revolutionary democrats. Sovremennik was closed (until 1863). The recognized leaders of the radicals are N. G. Chernyshevsky, N.A. Serno-Solov'evich and D. I. Pisarev were arrested. Accused of drafting a proclamation and preparing anti-government speeches; Chernyshevsky was sentenced in February 1864 to 14 years in hard labor and settling in Siberia forever. Serno-Solovyevich was also exiled forever to Siberia and died there in 1866. Pisarev spent four years in the Peter and Paul Fortress, was released under police supervision and soon drowned.
After the arrest of its leaders and the failure of the plans for an armed uprising, prepared by the branches of "Land and Freedom" in the Volga region, its Central People's Committee in the spring of 1864 decided to suspend the organization's activities.
In the 60s. on a wave of rejection existing order ideology spread among student youth nihilism. Denying philosophy, art, morality, religion, the nihilists called themselves materialists and preached "selfishness based on reason."
At the same time, under the influence of socialist ideas, the novel by N. G. Chernyshevsky “What to do?” (1862), artels, workshops, communes arose, hoping through the development of collective labor to prepare for the socialist transformation of society. Having failed, they disintegrated or switched to illegal activities.
In the autumn of 1863 in Moscow, under the influence of Land and Freedom, a circle arose under the leadership of a raznochinets N. A. Ishutina, which by 1865 had turned into a fairly large underground organization that had a branch in St. Petersburg (headed by I. A. Khudyakov). On April 4, 1866, D. V. Karakozov, an Ishutian, made an unsuccessful attempt on Alexander II. The entire Ishutin organization was destroyed, Karakozov was hanged, nine members of the organization, including Ishutin and Khudyakov, were sent to hard labor. The magazines Sovremennik and Russkoe Slovo were closed.
In 1871 Russian society was outraged by the murder of student Ivanov, a member of a radical underground organization "People's massacre". He was killed in disobedience to the head of the organization S. G. Nechaev. Nechaev built his "Massacre" on the basis of personal dictatorship and the justification of any means in the name of revolutionary goals. The trial of the Nechayevites began the era of political processes (more than 80 in total), which became an integral part of public life until the early 1980s.
In the 70s. there were several close currents of utopian socialism, which received the name "populism". The Narodniks believed that thanks to the peasant community (“cell of socialism”) and the qualities of the communal peasant (“revolutionary by instinct”, “born communist”), Russia would be able to cross directly. to the socialist system. The views of the theoreticians of populism (M. A. Bakunin, P. L. Lavrov, N. K. Mikhailovsky, P. N. Tkachev) differed in matters of tactics, but they all saw the main obstacle to socialism in state power and considered that a secret organization, revolutionary the leaders must raise the people in revolt and lead them to victory.
Outside the 60-70s. Numerous populist circles arose. Among them stood out society "chaikovtsy"(N. V. Tchaikovsky, A. I. Zhelyabov, P. A. Kropotkin, S. L. Perovskaya and others). Members of the society carried out propaganda among the peasants and workers, and then headed "walking among the people".
In the spring of 1874, thousands of members of populist organizations went to the villages. Most of them aimed at the speedy preparation of a peasant uprising. They gathered gatherings, spoke about the oppression of the people, called "to disobey the authorities. "Going to the people" continued for several years and covered more than 50 provinces of Russia. Many populists settled in the countryside as teachers, doctors, etc. However, their appeals did not find a response, the peasants often betrayed propagandists to the authorities. The government came down on the populists with a new wave of repression, and in October 1877 - January 1878. a trial of the Narodniks took place (“Trial of the 193rd”).
At the end of 1876 - arose new, centralized all-Russian organization of populists "Land and freedom". Kexpirative-. center (L. G. Deich, V. I. Zasulich, S. M. Kravchinskiy, A. D. Mikhailov, M. A. Natanson, S. L. Perovskaya, G. V. Plekhanov, V. N. Figner) led the activities of individual groups of "Land of Willows" in at least 15 large cities of the country. Soon, two currents arose in the organization: some were inclined to continue propaganda work, others considered terrorist activities to be the only means of bringing the revolution closer. In August 1879, the final disintegration took place. Supporters of propaganda united in the "Black Redistribution", adherents of terror - in the "People's Will". "Black redistribution", uniting circles in Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities, existed until 1881. By this time, all its members either emigrated (Plekhanov, Zasulich, Deutsch), or moved away from the revolutionary movement, or went over to Narodnaya Volya.
"People's Will" united circles of students, workers, officers. The strictly conspiratorial leadership included A. I. Zhelyabov, A.I. Barannikov, A.A. Kvyatkovsky, N. N. Kolodkevich, A. D. Mikhailov, N. A. Morozov, S. L. Perovskaya, V. N. Figner, M. F. Frolenko. In 1879 Narodnaya Volya, hoping to cause a political crisis and raise the people, committed a number of terrorist acts. The death sentence for Alexander II was passed by the Executive Committee of the People's Will in August 1879. After several unsuccessful assassination attempts March 1, 1881 in St. Petersburg, Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by the Narodnaya Volya I. I. Grinevitsky.
Social movement during the reign Alexander III experienced a decline. Under the conditions of government persecution and repression against dissent, the editor of Moskovskiye Vedomosti and Russkiy Vestnik acquired great influence. M. N. Katkov. He's in the 40's and 50's. was close to the moderate liberals, and in the 60s - a steelworker supporter of the protective direction. Fully sharing the political ideals of Alexander III, Katkov in the 80s. reaches the zenith of his fame and political power, becoming the ideological inspirer of the new government course. Prince V. P. Meshchersky, the editor of the journal Grazhdanin, was also the mouthpiece of the official direction. Alexander III patronized Meshchersky, providing covert financial support to his journal.
The weakness of the liberal movement was manifested in the inability to resist the protective policy of the autocracy. After March 1, 1881, liberal figures in the address of Alexander III condemned terrorist activities revolutionaries and expressed hope for "the completion of the great cause of state renewal." Despite the fact that the hope was not justified and the government went on the offensive against the liberal press and the rights of Zemstvo institutions, the liberal movement did not turn into an opposition one. However, in the 90s. there is a gradual demarcation within the zemstvo-liberal movement. Democratic sentiments are growing among zemstvo doctors, teachers, and statisticians. This led toconstant conflicts between the zemstvos and the local administration.
2.3 Social movement
The democratization of the system of public education, the emergence of a large number of specialists with higher education from the nobility and raznochintsy significantly expanded the circle of intelligentsia. The Russian intelligentsia is a unique phenomenon in the social life of Russia, the emergence of which can be attributed to the 1930s and 1940s. 19th century This is a small layer of society, closely associated with social groups professionally engaged in mental work (intellectuals), but does not merge with them. Distinctive features of the intelligentsia were high ideological commitment and a fundamental focus on actively opposing traditional state principles based rather peculiar perception of Western ideas. As N. A. Berdyaev noted, “what in the West was a scientific theory, a hypothesis subject to criticism, or, in any case, a relative, partial truth, not claiming to be universal, among Russian intellectuals turned into dogma, into something like religious inspiration.” In this environment, various areas of social thought developed.
In the second half of the 50s. publicity was the first manifestation of the “thaw” that came soon after the accession of Alexander II. December 3, 1855 was closed the Higher Censorship Committee, weakened censorship rules. Publications received wide circulation in Russia "Free Russian printing house", created by A I. Herzen in London. In July 1855, the first issue of the collection Polar Star was published, named by Herzen in memory of the almanac-decembrists Ryleev and Bestuzhev of the same name. In July 1857 Herzen, together with N. P. Ogarev started publishing a newspaper "Bell"(1857-1867), which, despite the official ban, was illegally imported into Russia in large quantities and was a huge success. This was greatly facilitated by the relevance of the published materials and the literary skill of their authors. In 1858, the historian B.N. Chicherin declared to Herzen: “You are the strength, you are the power in the Russian state.” Proclaiming the idea of the liberation of the peasantry, A. I. Herzen declared: “Whether it will be liberation“ from above ”or“ from below ”, we will be for it”, which provoked criticism from both liberals and revolutionary democrats.
2.4 Polish Uprising of 1863
In 1860-1861 throughout the Kingdom of Poland a wave of mass demonstrations commemorated the anniversary of the uprising of 1830 swept. One of the largest was the demonstration in Warsaw in February 1861, to disperse which the government used troops. Martial law was "introduced in Poland, mass arrests were carried out. At the same time, certain concessions were made: the State Council was restored, the university in Warsaw was reopened, etc. society was divided into twoparties.The supporters of the uprising were called “Reds.” “Whites” - landowners and the big bourgeoisie - expected to achieve the restoration of independent Poland by diplomatic means.
In the first half of 1862, the circles were merged into a single insurgent organization headed by the Central National Committee - the secret center for preparing the uprising (I; Dombrovsky, 3. Padlevsky, S. Serakovsky and others). The program of the Central Committee included the elimination of the estates, the transfer of the peasants of the land they cultivated, the restoration of independent Poland within the borders of 1772, with the provision of the population of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine with the right to decide their own fate.
The uprisings broke out in Poland on January 22, 1863. The immediate cause was the decision of the authorities to conduct in mid-January 18b3 in Polish cities and towns, pre-prepared lists of recruits of persons suspected of revolutionary activity. The Central Committee of the "Reds" decided to take action immediately. Military operations developed spontaneously. The “whites”, who soon came to lead the uprising, relied on the support of the Western European powers. Despite the note of England and France demanding to stop the bloodshed in Poland, the suppression of the uprising continued. Prussiasupported Russia. Russian troops under the command of General F. F. Berg joined the fight against the rebel detachments in Poland. In Lithuania and Belarus, the Vilna Governor-General M. N. Muravyov (“Hangman”) led the troops.
On March 1, Alexander II canceled the temporarily obligated relations of peasants, reduced quitrent payments to Lithuania, Belarus and Western Ukraine by 2.0%. Taking as a basis the agrarian decrees of the Polish rebels, the government during the hostilities announced a land reform. Deprived of the support of the peasantry as a result, Polish uprising Kosen in 1864 suffered a final defeat.
2.5 Labor movement
labor movement 60s was not significant. Cases of passive resistance and protest prevailed - filing complaints or simply fleeing from the factories. Due to serf traditions and the lack of special labor legislation, a strict regime was established for the exploitation of hired labor. Over time, workers began to organize strikes more and more often, especially in large enterprises. The usual demand was to reduce fines, raise wages, and improve working conditions. Since the 1970s, the labor movement has been gradually growing. Along with the unrest, not accompanied by the cessation of work, the filing of collective complaints, etc., the number of strikes covering large industrial enterprises is growing: 1870 - Nevsky paper mill in St. Petersburg, 1871-1872. - Putilovsky, Semyannikovsky and Aleksandrovsky factories; 1878-1879 - New paper spinning and a number of other enterprises in St. Petersburg. Strikes were sometimes suppressed with the help of the troops, the workers were put on trial.
In contrast to the peasant labor movement was more organized. The activities of the Narodniks played a significant role in the creation of the first workers' circles. Already in 1875 under the guidance of a former student E. O. Zaslavsky in Odessa arose "South Russian Union of Workers"(crushed by the authorities at the end of the same year). Under the influence of the St. Petersburg strikes and unrest, the "Northern Union of Russian Workers"(1878-1880) headed by V.P. Obnorsky and S.N. Khalturin. The unions carried out propaganda among the workers and set as their goal the revolutionary struggle "with the existing political and economic system" and per- establishment of socialist relations. "Northern Union" actively cooperated with "Earth - Ivolya". After the arrest of the leaders, the organization broke up.
Industrial crisis of the early 80s. and the depression that followed it created widespread unemployment and poverty. The owners of enterprises widely practiced mass layoffs, lowering rates for work, increasing fines, worsening working conditions and living conditions of workers. Cheap female and child labor was widely used. There were no restrictions on working hours. There was no labor protection, which led to an increase in accidents. At the same time, there were no injury benefits or workers' insurance.
In the first half of the 80s. the government, trying to prevent the escalation of conflicts, took on the role of an intermediary between employees and entrepreneurs. First of all, the most malicious forms of exploitation were eliminated by law. On June 1, 1882, the use of the labor of minors was limited, and a factory inspection was introduced to supervise the implementation of this law. In 1884 there was a law on schooling children working in factories. On June 3, 1885, the law “On the Prohibition of night work minors and women in factories and manufactories.
Economic strikes and labor unrest in the early 80s. in general did not go beyond individual enterprises. played an important role in the development of the mass labor movement striker at the Nikolskaya Morozov Manufactory (Orekhov-Zuyevo) in January 1885 it was attended by about 8 thousand people. The strike was organized in advance. The workers made demands not only to the owner of the enterprise (changing the system of fines, the procedure for dismissal, etc.), but also to the government (introducing state control over the situation of workers, adopting legislation on the conditions of employment). The government took measures to stop the strike (more than 600 people were deported to their homeland, 33 were put on trial) and at the same time put pressure on the owners of the manufactory, seeking to satisfy individual workers' demands and prevent future unrest.
The trial of the leaders of the Morozov strike took place in May 1886 and revealed facts of the grossest arbitrariness of the administration. The workers were acquitted by a jury. Under the influence of the Morozov strike, the government adopted 3 June 1885 law "On the Supervision of the Establishments of the Factory Industry and on the Mutual Relations of Manufacturers and Workers." The law partially regulated the procedure for hiring and firing workers, somewhat streamlined the system of fines, and established penalties for participation in strikes. The rights and obligations of the factory inspectorate were expanded and provincial offices for factory affairs were created. The echo of the Morozov strike was a strike wave at industrial enterprises in the Moscow and Vladimir provinces, St. Petersburg, and the Donbass.
2.6 The revolutionary movement in the 80s - early 90s.
Revolutionary movement in the 80s - early 90s. characterized primarily by the decline of populism and the spread of Marxism in Russia. Fragmented groups of Narodnaya Volya continued to operate even after the defeat of the Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya in 1884, defending individual terror as a means of struggle. But even these groups included social democratic ideas in their programs. Such was, for example, the circle of P. Ya. Shevyrev - A. I. Ulyanov / who organized an unsuccessful attempt on Alexander III on March 1, 1887. 15 members of the circle were arrested and put on trial. Five, including A. Ulyanov, were sentenced to death. The idea of a bloc with the liberals and the rejection of the revolutionary struggle is gaining increasing popularity among the Narodniks. Disillusionment with populism and the study of the experience of European social democracy led some of the revolutionaries to Marxism.
On September 25, 1883, former members of the “Black Redistribution” who emigrated to Switzerland (P. B. Axelrod, G. V. Plekhanov, L. G. Deich, V. I. Zasulich, V. I. Ignatov), created a social -democratic group "Emancipation of labor" and in September of the same year, they announced the launch of the publication of the Library of Modern Socialism. The Emancipation of Labor Group laid the foundations Russian social democratic movement. An important role in the spread of Marxism among the revolutionaries was played by G. V. Plekhanova(1856-1918). In 1882 he translated into Russian the Manifesto of the Communist Party. In his works “Socialism and Political Struggle” (1883) and “Our Differences” (1885) G.V. Plekhanov criticized the views of the populists, denied Russia's readiness for a socialist revolution, and called for the creation of a social democratic party, the preparation of a bourgeois democratic revolution, and the creation of the socioeconomic preconditions for socialism.
Since the mid 80s. in Russia, the first social democratic circles of students and workers arise: “Party of Russian Social Democrats” by D. N. Blagoev (1883-1887), “Association of St. Petersburg Craftsmen” by P. V. Tochissky (1885-1888), group of N. E .Fedoseev in Kazan (1888-1889), “Social Democratic Society” by M. I. Brusnev (1889-1892).
At the turn of the 80-90s, social democratic groups existed in Kyiv, Kharkov, Odessa, Minsk, Tula, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Vilna, Rostov-on-Don, Tiflis and other cities.
/>/>Conclusion
The results of the policy of the government of Nicholas I on the peasant issue cannot be underestimated. As a result of the thirty-year "trench war" against serfdom, the autocracy managed not only to mitigate the most odious manifestations of serfdom, but also to come much closer to eliminating them. In society, the belief in the need to liberate the peasants became stronger. Seeing the perseverancegovernment, gradually get used to this idea and the nobility. In secret committees and commissions, in the ministries of internal affairs and state property, cadres of future reformers were forged, and general approaches were developed for the upcoming reforms.
But, in other respects, with regard to administrative reforms, economic reforms (with the exception of the monetary reform of E.F. Krankin), there were no significant changes.
Russia still remained a feudal state lagging behind Western countries across a range of indicators.
List of used literature
1. S.F. Platonov "Lectures on Russian history", Moscow, publishing house "Higher School", 1993.
2. V.V. Kargalov, Y.S. Savelyev, V.A. Fedorov “History of Russia from ancient times to 1917”, Moscow, publishing house “Russian Word”, 1998.
3. "History of Russia from antiquity to the present day", edited by M.N. Zuev, Moscow, "Higher School", 1998.
4. “A Handbook on the History of the Fatherland for Applicants to Universities”, edited by A.S. Orlov, A.Yu. Polunova and Yu.A. Shchetinov, Moscow, publishing house "Prostor", 1994
5. Ananyich B.V. The crisis of power and reforms in Russia at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries. In the studies of American historians. // Patriotic history, 1992, No. 2.
6. Litvak B.G. Reforms and revolutions in Russia. // History of the USSR, 1991, No. 2
7. History of Russia IX - XX centuries. Handbook on national history for high school students, applicants and students. / Edited by M.M. Shumilova, S.P. Ryabinkin. S-P.1997
8. History of the USSR.1861-1917: Textbook / Ed. Tyukavkina V. G. - M .: Education, 1989.
9. Kornilov A.A. Course of the history of Russia in the 19th century. 1993.
10. Orlov A.S., Georgiev V.A., Georgieva N.G., Sivokhina T.A. Russian history. Textbook. - M.: "Prospect", 1997.
11. Russian autocrats. M., 1992.
12. Reader on the history of the USSR. 1861-1917: Proc. allowance / Ed. Tyukavkina V. G. - M.: Enlightenment, 1990
The 19th century occupies a special place in the history of Russian social thought. In this period rapidly there was a destruction of the feudal-serf system and the establishment of capitalism. The country was in the process of realizing the need for fundamental changes, the search for ways to implement them. The question of the inevitability of change really arose before society and before the supreme power.
However, the ideas about the ways of change among the autocracy and Russian society differed significantly. Three main currents in the development of social thought and social movements have formed in Russia: conservative, liberal and revolutionary.
The conservatives sought to preserve the foundations of the existing order, the liberals put pressure on the government to force it to reform, the revolutionaries sought profound change by forcibly changing the country's political order.
Studying this period in the history of Russia, it is important to see the whole spectrum of progressive, democratic, revolutionary forces. A characteristic feature of the development of the social movement in the early nineteenth century. is that in both the liberal and revolutionary movements of this time, all other classes are dominated by the nobility. However, even within the nobility there was a political struggle between supporters and opponents of change.
True, the hegemony of the nobility in the revolutionary movement was shorter than in the liberal one. How to explain the leading role of the nobility? First of all, the fact that among the nobility an intelligentsia was formed, which was the first to realize the need for transformations in the country and put forward certain political doctrines.
The Russian bourgeoisie did not actively participate in the social movement during this period. In the era of primitive accumulation, the merchant, the industrialist, the railroad businessman, the wealthy peasant were absorbed exclusively in profit, in the accumulation of wealth. At this stage, this class was not interested in politics and did not need it. He needed not political reforms, but administrative and legislative measures that promote the development of capitalism. The bourgeoisie was quite satisfied economic policy tsarism, aimed at developing capitalism from above: encouraging railway construction, protective customs duties, state orders, etc. In addition, among the bourgeoisie at that time, its own intelligentsia had not yet formed. The realization that knowledge and education are also capital was a relatively late phenomenon. Therefore, the political capacity of the Russian bourgeoisie lagged far behind its economic power.
The bourgeoisie entered the political struggle, put forward its leaders, created its own organizations at a time when the Russian proletariat, which had created its own political party, was already playing an active role in the socio-political struggle.
Early 19th century was a time of great hopes in the life of Russian society. However, the reforms were not implemented. State power was actually in the hands of A.A. Arakcheev. MM. Speransky was sent into exile. Such a rejection of reforms was associated with a rather powerful resistance of the majority of the noble class. So, in 1811, alarmed by persistent rumors about a "radical state transformation" being prepared by M.M. Speransky, the famous historian N.M. Karamzin, the ideologue of autocracy, presented Alexander I with a “Note on Ancient and New Russia”, in which he wrote: “Russia was founded by victories and unity of command, perished from disagreement, and was saved by wise autocracy.” Karamzin saw autocracy as a guarantee of the well-being of the Russian people. The task of the sovereign, he believed, was to improve the existing system, avoiding major changes. Karamzin argued that instead of all the innovations, it would be enough to find about fifty good governors and give the country worthy spiritual shepherds.
At a time when the authorities are abandoning reforms, a revolutionary political trend among the nobility is clearly manifested. It was the Decembrist movement. The main factor of its occurrence was the socio-economic conditions of the country's development. Of no small importance in shaping the revolutionary views of the Decembrists was the strengthening of feudal oppression, the anti-serfdom movement of the masses after the Patriotic War of 1812. The Decembrists called themselves "children of 1812." and more than once emphasized that it was 1812 that was the starting point of their movement. More than a hundred future Decembrists participated in the war of 1812, 65 of those who would be called state criminals in 1825 fought to the death with the enemy on the Borodino field (Memoirs of the Decembrists. Northern Society. M., 1981. P. 8). They saw that victory in the war was ensured primarily by the participation of the common people, suffering from the arbitrariness of the feudal landlords and having no prospects for improving their position under the conditions of an autocratic feudal state.
The first secret organization of the future Decembrists, the Union of Salvation, was created by young noble officers in St. Petersburg in 1816. This organization was not numerous, its goal was the destruction of serfdom and the fight against autocracy, but the methods and ways of implementing these tasks were unclear.
On the basis of the "Union of Salvation" in 1818, the "Union of Welfare" was created in Moscow, which included more than 200 people. This organization set itself the task of promoting anti-serfdom ideas, supporting the liberal intentions of the government, creating public opinion against serfdom and autocracy. It took 10 years to solve this problem. The Decembrists believed that the solution of this problem would help to avoid the horrors of the French Revolution and make the coup bloodless.
The government's rejection of reformist plans and the transition to reaction in foreign and domestic policy forced the Decembrists to change tactics. In 1821 in Moscow, at the congress of the Union of Welfare, it was decided to overthrow the autocracy by means of a military revolution. It was supposed to move from a vague "Union" to a conspiratorial and well-formed secret organization. In 1821-1822. Southern and Northern societies emerged. In 1823, the organization "Society of United Slavs" was created in Ukraine, which by the autumn of 1825 merged with the Southern Society.
During its entire existence, the Decembrist movement had serious disagreements on the ways and methods of carrying out transformations, on the form of the state structure of the country, and so on. Within the framework of the movement, one can trace not only revolutionary (they were especially pronounced), but also liberal tendencies. The differences between the members of the Southern and Northern societies were reflected in the programs developed by P.I. Pestel ("Russian Truth") and Nikita Muravyov ("Constitution").
One of the most important questions was the question of the state structure of Russia. According to the "Constitution" of N. Muravyov, Russia turned into a constitutional monarchy, where the executive power belonged to the emperor, and the legislative power was transferred to the bicameral parliament, the People's Council. source of all public life The "constitution" solemnly proclaimed the people, the emperor was only "the supreme official of the Russian state."
The suffrage provided for a rather high electoral qualification. The courtiers were deprived voting rights. A number of basic bourgeois freedoms were proclaimed - speech, movement, religion.
According to Pestel's Russkaya Pravda, Russia was declared a republic, in which power until the necessary bourgeois-democratic reforms were carried out was concentrated in the hands of the Provisional Revolutionary Government. Further, the supreme power was transferred to a unicameral people's council, elected for 5 years by men from the age of 20 without any qualification restrictions. The supreme executive body was the Sovereign Duma, elected for 5 years by the People's Council and responsible to it. The president became the head of Russia.
Pestel rejected the principle of a federal structure, Russia was supposed to remain united and indivisible.
The second most important issue was the question of serfdom. Both N. Muraviev's "Constitution" and Pestel's "Russkaya Pravda" resolutely opposed serfdom. "Serfdom and slavery are abolished. A slave who touches the Russian land becomes free," - read paragraph 16 of the Constitution of N. Muravyov. According to Russkaya Pravda, serfdom was immediately abolished. The liberation of the peasants was declared the "most holy and indispensable" duty of the Provisional Government. All citizens were equal in rights.
N. Muravyov proposed that the liberated peasants keep their homestead land "for kitchen gardens" and two acres of arable land per yard. Pestel considered the liberation of peasants without land to be completely unacceptable and proposed to solve the land issue by combining the principles of public and private property. The public land fund was to be formed through the seizure without redemption of the lands of the landlords, the size of which exceeded 10 thousand acres. From land holdings of 5-10 thousand acres, half of the land was alienated for a fee. From the public fund, land was allocated to all those who wanted to cultivate it.
The Decembrists associated the implementation of their programs with a revolutionary change in the existing system in the country. Taken as a whole, Pestel's project, from the point of view of the development of bourgeois relations in Russia, was more radical and consistent than Muravyov's. At the same time, both of them were progressive, revolutionary programs for the bourgeois reorganization of feudal Russia.
The uprising on December 14, 1825 in St. Petersburg on Senate Square and the uprising of the Chernigov Infantry Regiment, raised on December 20, 1825 by members of the Southern Society, were suppressed. The tsarist government brutally dealt with the participants in the uprisings, which was very important for the development of social thought and the social movement in the country. In essence, a whole generation of the most educated, active people was torn out of the public life of the country. However, the ideas of the Decembrists continued to live in circles of free-thinking youth. Decembrism carried the most diverse directions of the social movement from liberal to ultra-revolutionary, which affected the development of the social movement in the country.
The disintegration of the feudal-serf system in Russia, the emergence and development of capitalist relations, the struggle of the masses against arbitrariness and despotism gave rise to the Decembrist movement.
This movement took shape on the basis of Russian reality, it objectively reflected and defended the interests of the emerging bourgeois society. In the conditions of the emerging crisis of the feudal-serf system, the Decembrists consciously advocated the abolition of serfdom with weapons in their hands. The tasks that they tried to solve met the interests of the majority of the masses, the progressive movement of the country.
Objectively, the Decembrists opposed feudal ownership of land. Fighting against serfdom, against the feudal exploitation of the peasants, the landowner's right to own the labor of serfs, they spoke in favor of transferring part of the land to the former serfs. The implementation of the Decembrists' project meant the transformation of the land into bourgeois property, therefore, all their activities were aimed at destroying the old system.
The Decembrist movement was entirely connected with the development of the liberation movement throughout the world in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Fighting against serfdom and autocracy, inflicting revolutionary blows on feudal property, they thereby undermined the entire feudal-serf system.
The Decembrist movement belongs to the period when all the advanced forces of mankind sought to solve the main historical task - the destruction of the already obsolete feudal-serf system of the national economy, to give scope to the productive forces of society, the progressive revolutionary development of society. Thus, the Decembrist movement fit into the framework of a single revolutionary process at the beginning of the 19th century, which began with a revolution in the USA and France at the end of the 18th century.
The Decembrist movement stands on the shoulders of progressive social thought in Russia. It was well acquainted with the views of Fonvizin, Radishchev and many other reformation ideologists.
The Decembrists believed that the people were the source of supreme power in Russia, that they could achieve liberation by raising an uprising against the autocracy. The political consciousness of the Decembrists began to awaken in the first decades of the 19th century. The Great French Revolution of the late 18th century, revolutions in Europe and the Patriotic War of 1812 had a certain influence on the formation of their worldview. It was the war, with all its depth, that raised the question of the fate of the Motherland before the Decembrists. “We were children of 12,” said D. Muravyov (one of the Decembrists).
The first secret society arose in 1816, which was called the Union of Salvation or the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland. Then came the "Northern" and "Southern" societies, the "Union of Prosperity" and, finally, the "Society of United Slavs."
Already in the first secret society, the purpose of the movement was determined. The introduction of the constitution and the abolition of serfdom are the conclusions that served as the basis for the further development of the views of the Decembrists. The Union of Welfare brought to the fore the task of shaping public opinion, on the basis of which they expected to carry out a coup d'état. In order for advanced public opinion to put pressure on the ruling circles, to capture the minds of the country's leading figures, the members of the Welfare Union took part in many charitable societies, created councils, Lancaster schools, literary societies, conducted a wide propaganda of views, created literary almanacs, defended unfairly convicted, serfs were redeemed - talented nuggets.
At one of the meetings of the Union of Welfare, Pestel spoke, proving all the benefits and advantages of the republican system. Pestel's views were supported.
The ideological political struggle between the moderate and radical wings of the Union of Welfare, the desire to launch an active struggle against the autocracy forced the leadership of the Union to dissolve in 1821. him in order to free himself from moderate hesitant and casual fellow travelers and create a renewed, highly conspiratorial organization.
After 1821-22. there are two new organizations of the Decembrists - the "Northern" and "Southern" societies (These societies prepared an armed uprising on December 14, 1825). The “Northern” society was headed by Muravyov and Ryleev, and the “South” society was headed by Pestel.
Members of the society prepared and discussed two progressive documents: Pestel's "Russian Truth" and Muravyov's "Constitution". The most radical views were distinguished by Russkaya Pravda, which proclaimed the abolition of serfdom, the complete equality of all citizens before the law, Russia was proclaimed a republic, a single and indivisible state, corresponding to the federal structure of the state. The population had the same rights and benefits, equal obligations to bear all burdens. The Russkaya Pravda said that the possession of other people as one's own property, without prior consent, is a shameful thing, contrary to the essence of mankind, the laws of nature, the laws of Christianity. Therefore, the right of one person to manage another cannot exist in Russia anymore.
According to the provisions of Russkaya Pravda, when solving the agrarian issue, Pestel proceeded from the fact that land is a public property, that every citizen of Russia has the right to receive a land allotment. However, private ownership of land was recognized. Pestel did not want to destroy landownership, it should be limited.
"Russkaya Pravda" determined that the supreme legislative power should belong to the people's veche, which was elected in the amount of 500 people for 5 years. Executive power was exercised by the Sovereign Duma, elected by the people's council for 5 years, consisting of 5 people. Every year, 20% of the members of the People's Council and the State Duma were re-elected. The Chairman of the State Duma was the President of the country. The president was elected from among the members of the people's council, provided that the candidate for the presidency was in the people's council for 5 years. External control of power was to be carried out by the Supreme Council, which consisted of 120 people. Local legislative power was to be exercised by district, county and volost local assemblies, and executive power - by district, county and volost boards. Local bodies were to be headed by elected posadniks, volost assemblies - by the volost producer, elected for one year.
The “Constitution” of Russia developed by Muravyov proposed the elimination of autocracy and the class division of the population, proclaimed the universal equality of citizens, the inviolability of personal property and property, freedom of speech, press, assembly, religion, movement and choice of profession. Muraviev's “Constitution” also proclaimed the abolition of serfdom. The peasants were endowed with land, and the peasants received 2 acres of land per yard. The land owned by the peasant before the introduction of the "Constitution" was automatically attributed to his personal property.
The conservatism of the "Constitution" was manifested in the issue of citizenship. A citizen of Russia could be one who was at least 21 years old, who had a permanent place of residence, possessed immovable property in the amount of at least 500 rubles or movable property in the amount of at least 1000 rubles, who paid taxes regularly and was not in anyone's home. service. The citizen had the right to vote. This property qualification deprived most of the population of the opportunity to participate in the political activities of the country.
Russia is a federal state, consisting of 13 powers and two regions. The powers were divided into districts.
The supreme legislative body of the state was a bicameral people's council, consisting of the Supreme Duma and the House of People's Representatives (lower house). 40 deputies were elected to the Supreme Duma. 450 deputies were elected to the House of People's Representatives, one person from 500,000 representatives of the male population of the country. Deputies were elected for 6 years. Every two years, 1/3 of the House is re-elected. Locally, the sovereign veche, elected for 2 years, was the legislative body. The highest executive power in the country belonged, according to the "Constitution", to the emperor, who was the supreme commander in chief, he appointed ambassadors, supreme judges and ministers. The salary of the emperor was determined in the amount of 8,000,000 rubles annually. The executive power in the State was exercised by the sovereign ruler, the governor, elected for 3 years by the people's council. The judicial bodies were the Sovereign and Supreme Courts. The judges were chosen and did not change.
In Russia, universal military service was introduced.
After the failed uprising of the Decembrists on December 14, 1825, members of the "Northern" and "South" societies were arrested and tried, five of whom were executed, and the rest were sent to hard labor.
But the cause of the Decembrists was not in vain, the Decembrists gave birth to a new galaxy of revolutionaries.
After the Decembrist uprising, the government responded with years of reaction. But even in these years, underground revolutionary organizations, circles arose, a liberal-bourgeois trend arose, which received the names of Slavophiles and Westerners. The Slavophils believed that it was necessary to rely on the people in achieving goals, and the Westerners - it was necessary to use the best practices of European states. In the 1940s, an organization appeared in Russia headed by Petrashevsky. They were the first to raise the question of the possibility of the existence of socialism in Russia.
LECTURE 8
T.A. LEBEDINSKAYA
In the 19th century in Russia, a social movement rich in content and methods of action, which largely determined the future fate of the country. Public life in Russia in the 19th century. difficult to rigidly schematize, because it was a formative time political movements, searching for their place among the social forces of the country. So A.I. Herzen, who stood on the positions of the Westerners, after the revolutions of 1848-1949. in Europe became disillusioned with the Western social order, became close to the Slavophiles in assessing the Russian community and peasantry, developed the theory of "Russian socialism"; during the preparation of the reforms of the 60s, he occupied liberal positions, and after 1861 he strongly supported the revolutionary democrats. It is impossible to give an unambiguous assessment of the socio-political views of V.G. Belinsky, N.G. Chernyshevsky, P.B. Struve, G.V. Plekhanov and many others.
However, the socio-political movement of Russia in the XIX century. can be divided into three main areas: conservative-monarchist, liberal and revolutionary. A similar division of social forces occurs in many countries, but in Russia there is an excessive development of extreme currents with a relative weakness of the center (liberals).
| Conservative-monarchist traffic |
conservative camp Russian society of the XIX century. was represented primarily by government circles, especially during the reign of Nicholas I, Alexander III, major dignitaries, officials, a significant part of the capital and local nobility, whose goal was to preserve and strengthen the autocratic-serf system, the desire to prevent a radical reform of society, to protect privileges, the rights of the nobility. The “theory of official nationality” (“autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality”), developed in the 19th century, became the state ideology of autocracy. 30s Minister of Public Education S.S. Uvarov. Its meaning consisted in the totality of three theses: 1) autocracy is the support and guarantor of Russian statehood, its existence, power and greatness; 2) Orthodoxy - the basis of the spiritual life of society, its moral purity and stability; 3) “Nationhood” was understood as the unity of the people and the king, a steadfast faith in the Tsar - the spokesman for the interests of the people. In 1880 - 1890s. this theory was developed by the main ideologists of unlimited autocracy M.N. Katkov, K.P. Pobedonostsev. The conservatives, who stood on a rational-protective position, pursued a policy of counter-reforms, fought dissent, tightened censorship, limited or eliminated the autonomy of universities, and so on.
The need for fundamental changes in the sphere of socio-economic relations and the state system of Russia at the beginning of the 19th century becomes as obvious as the inability of the authorities to implement them. As a result, a part of society, at first small in number, and then more and more significant, becomes in opposition to the authorities, subjecting it to sharp criticism. Moreover, the “educated minority” (in the words of A.I. Herzen) more and more insistently declared their readiness to take an active part in the transformations.
In Soviet historical literature, under the influence of Lenin's periodization of the liberation movement, it is customary to attribute its initial stage to 1825 - the Decembrist uprising. The noble opposition of the end of the 18th century was left outside the framework of the liberation movement. N.I. Novikov, D.I. Fonvizin, A.N. Radishchev, who spoke out for the rights of citizens in a just and classless state. At the same time, unlike Novikov and Fonvizin, who did not call for an armed struggle against the autocracy, Radishchev recognized any actions of citizens in defense of their rights and freedoms.
| Decembrists |
The first organized protest against autocracy and serfdom in the history of Russia was associated with the Decembrists. Their worldview was formed under the influence of Russian reality, the ideas of the French Enlighteners, revolutionary events in Europe, and the Patriotic War of 1812. “We are the children of 1812. To sacrifice everything, even life, for the good of the Fatherland, was the attraction of the heart. There was no egoism in our feelings, ”wrote the Decembrist M.I. Muravyov-Apostle. The liberal reform projects of Alexander I and M.M. had a great influence on future members of secret societies. Speransky.
The first secret society "Union of Salvation"- arose in 1816 and united only 30 people, mostly officers. The main goal of the society was the abolition of serfdom and the absolute form of government, the introduction of a constitution and civil liberties. In 1818, instead of the "Union of Salvation" was founded "Prosperity Union", it consisted of about 200 people. The main task of the Union was to educate the broad sections of the population of progressive public opinion, disseminate the "true rules of the morality of enlightenment", and active participation in public life. All this, ultimately, the Decembrists believed, would lead to the introduction of a constitution and the abolition of serfdom. In the early 1820s, the government of Alexander I abandoned the reform policy and switched to reaction. The "Union of Prosperity" is disintegrating. In 1821 - 1822. two new societies arose - the Northern in St. Petersburg and the Southern in Ukraine.
Projects outlined in "Russian Truth" P.I. Pestel(Southern Society) and "Constitution" N.M. Muravyov(Northern Society) about the future structure of Russia, the nature of government, the emancipation of the peasants, land reform, the relationship between individual rights and the powers of the state reflected not only liberal, but also revolutionary trends in the development of the social movement of this period. Russkaya Pravda posed two main tasks for the Decembrists. Firstly, to overthrow the autocracy and establish a republic in Russia (until power is strengthened new order, Pestel proposed to hand over power to a temporary supreme government with dictatorial powers), the People's Council was supposed to be the highest legislative body, the Sovereign Duma was the executive one, and the Supreme Council was the judicial one. Secondly, to abolish serfdom, the peasants were freed without a ransom and received 10-12 acres of land per family. The land was divided into two funds - public and private - the lands of the first fund could not be sold, the lands of the second fund were subject to free purchase and sale. Class privileges were abolished, democratic freedoms were guaranteed, and the equality of all the peoples of Russia in a single (unitary) republic was guaranteed.
"Constitution"Muravieva posed the same questions as in Russkaya Pravda, they were resolved less radically. Instead of autocracy, a constitutional monarchy in a federal form. The People's Council of two chambers was to become the supreme legislative body, and the supreme executive power was to belong to the tsar. December 14, 1825 members of the Northern Society, taking advantage of the dynastic crisis in the country, brought about three thousand people to the Senate Square. Later, troops led by members of the Southern Society marched in Ukraine. The uprisings were suppressed by the authorities, who then brutally cracked down on their participants: five were executed (P.I. Pestel, K.F. Ryleev, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol, M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin and P.G. Kakhovsky, more than 100 Decembrists were exiled not to hard labor in Siberia in the Caucasus against the Highlanders.
Reasons for the defeat of the Decembrists traditionally explained in Lenin's words: "They were terribly far from the people." However, the Decembrists consciously did not want to rely on the masses and could not count on the support of the people. They feared a senseless and merciless rebellion, they were aware of the large, historically formed gap between the enlightened part of society and the extremely backward, politically undeveloped lower classes. As contemporaries testified, the people accepted the defeat of the Decembrists with approval: “The Tsar defeated the nobles, which means that soon there will be freedom.” The defeat of the Decembrists and the lack of political experience, organizational weakness, the psychological difficulty of fighting against “friends”, the comparative small number of their ranks, predetermined the defeat of the Decembrists, they represented an insignificant part of their class and only 0.6% of total number officers and generals, the cohesion of the conservative forces. And, finally, the views of the Decembrists, aimed at liberal development, were ahead of their time, since in Russia there were still no mature prerequisites for the transition to a new social system. Nevertheless, the historical merit of the Decembrists is undeniable. Their names and destinies remained in memory, and ideas in the arsenal of the next generations of freedom fighters. In the literature on the Decembrists, there are various assessments: from “a bunch of madmen alien to our holy Russia”, “without roots in the past and prospects in the future” (conservative-monarchist concept) “their program settings are the continuation of the reforms of Alexander I, and the uprising on December 14 is an explosion despair due to denunciations and the threat of reprisals” (liberal concept); “the greatness and significance of the Decembrists as the first Russian revolutionaries” (revolutionary concept).
The reign of Nicholas I A.I., which came after the defeat of the Decembrists, Herzen called the time of external slavery and “the time of internal liberation.” The second half of the 1930s was marked, on the one hand, by a decline in the social movement, repressions and persecution of its members, a state of uncertainty and disappointment reigned in society, on the other hand. strangle the liberation movement. These sentiments were reflected in "Philosophical Letters" P.Ya. Chaadaev. Chaadaev's letters, with their paradoxical unity of denying the inherent value of Russia's historical past and belief in the special role of a renewed Russia included in the Western Christian world, played an important role in revitalizing public life. A new stage in the social movement begins, represented primarily by liberal movement. Liberalism is an ideology and socio-political trend that unites supporters of the parliamentary system, democratic freedoms and freedom of enterprise.
The formation of Russian liberal ideology took place in two directions. In the 40s of the XIX century. emerging liberalism was represented by Slavophilism and Westernism. Westerners (P.V. Annenkov, T.N. Granovsky, K.D. Kavelin, S.M. Solovyov, V.N. Chicherin) recognized the common historical destinies of the peoples of Russia and the West, idealized the West, its culture, praised Peter I .
Slavophiles(brothers I.V. and K.V. Aksakov, I.V. and P.V. Kireevsky, A.I. Koshelev, Yu.F. Samarin, A.S. Khomyakov) idealized pre-Petrine Russia, saw real development prospects countries in their original, primordially Russian line: the community, Orthodoxy, autocracy with class-representative institutions, the Zemsky Sobor, local self-government, had a negative attitude towards Peter I, who, in their opinion, directed Russia along the alien path of the West.
Despite disagreements, both of them rejected the revolution, preferring reforms from above to uprisings from below, opposed serfdom, the boundless despotism of the autocracy, firmly believed in the great future of Russia. The liberal and revolutionary-democratic forces could not unite into a strong opposition bloc, because too many things separated them: the socialist idea, views on the state structure of the future of Russia.
A certain part of the educated society was captured by revolutionary moods. This was due, firstly, to dissatisfaction with the course of reforms, and secondly, to serious changes in the social composition of this part of society, the emergence of a diverse intelligentsia. Raznochintsy - people of various ranks and ranks at the end of the 18th - 19th centuries. inter-class category of the population, people from different classes, were carriers democratic and revolutionary ideology. A.I. Herzen, combining the European ideas of utopian socialism with the specific conditions of Russia, laid the foundation for the socialist tradition in the social movement of the country. The future socialist system in Russia, according to Herzen, based on the equality of all members, collective (communal) property, compulsory labor for all, should be established after the peasant revolution, the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of democratic republic. These ideas were further developed in the views of N.G. Chernyshevsky, revolutionary populism of the 60s - 70s.
Populism- the ideology and movement of the raznochintsy intelligentsia in the 1860s - 1890s. opposing serfdom and capitalist development, for the overthrow of tsarism by revolutionary means.
The main of these ideas boil down to the following: Russia can and must go over to socialism, bypassing capitalism, while relying on the peasant community as the germ of socialism; for this it is necessary to abolish serfdom, transfer all the land to the peasants, abolish landlordism, overthrow the autocracy and establish the power of the people.
Depending on the relationship between the goals and means of the struggle against the autocracy, three main directions are distinguished in the revolutionary populist movement of the 70s: propaganda, “rebellious” (anarchist) and terrorist (“conspiratorial”). The first (P.L. Lavrov) believed that intense propaganda work and enlightenment of the masses were necessary for the victory of the peasant revolution, the second (M.A. Bakunin) called for an immediate uprising (rebellion), the third (P.N. Tkachev) considered the organization of a conspiracy, the seizure of state power by means of an armed coup: “cut the ministers” and carry out socialist transformations from above.
In the spring of 1874, about 40 provinces of Russia were engulfed in a mass movement of revolutionary youth, called "going to the people." The appeals of the populists were met with a distrustful and often hostile attitude among the peasantry, moreover, the movement was poorly organized. It was not possible to raise an uprising, mass arrests followed, the movement was crushed.
| Spreading Marxism in Russia |
In the 80s of the XIX century, a new factor in Russian public life was emergence of marxism, closely associated with the formation of the industrial proletariat and the growth of the labor movement, the first workers' organizations appear: "South Russian Union of Workers"(1875, Odessa) and "Northern Union of Russian Workers"(1878, Petersburg). The turn to Marxism was associated with the name of G.V. Plekhanov. In 1883, the first Marxist organization appeared in Geneva - the Emancipation of Labor group, headed by G.V. Plekhanov, who sharply criticized populist views, argued the advantages of Marxism, and distributed Marxist literature in Russia. The first social-democratic groups of this period in Russia by D. Blagoeva, P.V. Tochissky, M.I. Brusneva, N.E. Fedoseev were not numerous and consisted mainly of the intelligentsia and students. However, soon the work of the circles included workers who were impressed by Marxism with a sharp and justified criticism of capitalism, the proclamation of the proletariat as the main fighter against exploitation and the construction of a society of universal equality and justice. In 1895, the Marxist movement is going through an important stage: circles of St. Petersburg Marxists are united in a citywide "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class", who played big role in the union of social democracy with the mass labor movement. In 1898 an attempt was made to unite all the forces of Russian Marxism. A congress was held in Minsk, proclaiming the formation Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP).
At the end of the 90s, there was an increase in the opposition movement, which led, along with other factors, at the beginning of the 20th century. to a political crisis, and then to the revolution of 1905-1907.
The position of Russia in the second half of the 19th century remained extremely difficult: it stood on the edge of the abyss. The economy and finances were undermined by the Crimean War, and the national economy, bound by the chains of serfdom, could not develop.
Legacy of Nicholas I
The years of the reign of Nicholas I are considered the most unsuccessful since the Time of Troubles. An ardent opponent of any reforms and the introduction of a constitution in the country, the Russian emperor relied on an extensive bureaucratic bureaucracy. the ideology of Nicholas I was based on the thesis “the people and the tsar are one”. The result of the reign of Nicholas I was the economic backwardness of Russia from the countries of Europe, the general illiteracy of the population and the arbitrariness of the small-town authorities in all spheres of public life.
It was necessary to urgently solve the following tasks:
- In foreign policy- to restore the international prestige of Russia. Overcome the country's diplomatic isolation.
- In domestic policy, to create all conditions for stabilizing domestic economic growth. Solve the sore peasant question. To overcome the lag behind Western countries in the industrial sector through the introduction of new technologies.
- When solving internal problems, the government involuntarily had to face the interests of the nobility. Therefore, the mood of this class also had to be taken into account.
After the reign of Nicholas I, Russia needed a sip fresh air The country needed reforms. The new Emperor Alexander II understood this.
Russia in the reign of Alexander II
The beginning of the reign of Alexander II was marked by unrest in Poland. In 1863, the Poles revolted. Despite the protest of the Western powers, the Russian emperor brought an army into the territory of Poland and crushed the rebellion.
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The manifesto on the abolition of serfdom on February 19, 1861 immortalized the name of Alexander. The law equalized all classes of citizens before the law and now all segments of the population bore the same state duties.
- After a partial solution of the peasant question, local government reforms were carried out. In 1864 Zemstvo reform was carried out. This transformation made it possible to reduce the pressure of the bureaucracy on local authorities and made it possible to solve most of the economic problems on the ground.
- In 1863, judicial reforms were carried out. The court became an independent authority and was appointed by the Senate and the king for life.
- Under Alexander II, many educational institutions, Sunday schools were built for workers, secondary schools appeared.
- The transformations also affected the army: the sovereign changed 25 years of service in the army from 25 to 15 years. Corporal punishment was abolished in the army and navy.
- During the reign of Alexander II, Russia achieved significant success in foreign policy. The Western and Eastern Caucasus was annexed, part Central Asia. Having defeated Turkey in the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, the Russian Empire restored the Black Sea Fleet and captured the Bosphorus and Dardanelles in the Black Sea.
Under Alexander II, the development of industry is activated, bankers seek to invest in metallurgy and in the construction of railways. At the same time, there was some decline in agriculture, as the liberated peasants were forced to rent land from their former owners. As a result, most of the peasants went bankrupt and went to the city to work with their families.
Rice. 1. Russian Emperor Alexander II.
Social movements in the second half of the 19th century
The transformations of Alexander II contributed to the awakening of revolutionary and liberal forces in Russian society. The social movement of the second half of the 19th century is divided into three main currents :
- conservative trend. The founder of this ideology was Katkov, later D. A. Tolstoy and K. P. Pobedonostsev joined him. The conservatives believed that Russia could develop only according to three criteria - autocracy, nationality and Orthodoxy.
- Liberal movement. The founder of this trend was a prominent historian Chicherin B.N., later Kavelin K.D. and Muromtsev S.A. joined him. Liberals stood up for a constitutional monarchy, the right of the individual and the independence of the church from the state.
- revolutionary current. The ideologists of this current were A.I. Herzen, N.G. Chernyshevsky and V.G. Belinsky. Later N. A. Dobrolyubov joined them. Under Alexander II, thinkers published the magazines Kolokol and Sovremennik. The views of theoretical writers were based on the complete rejection of capitalism and autocracy as historical systems. They believed that prosperity for all would come only under socialism, and socialism would come immediately bypassing the stage of capitalism, and the peasantry would help it in this.
One of the founders of the revolutionary movement was M.A. Bakunin, who preached socialist anarchy. He believed that civilized states should be destroyed in order to build a new world Federation of communities in their place. The end of the 19th century brought the organization of secret revolutionary circles, the largest of which were “Land and Freedom”, “Great Russian”, “People's Reprisal”, “Ruble Society”, etc. The introduction of revolutionaries into the peasant environment was promoted in order to agitate them.
The peasants did not react in any way to the calls of the raznochintsy to overthrow the government. This led to the split of the revolutionaries into two camps - practitioners and theorists. Practitioners staged terrorist attacks and cracked down on prominent statesmen. The organization "Land and Freedom", later renamed the "People's Will" issued a death sentence to Alexander II. The sentence was carried out on March 1, 1881 after several unsuccessful assassination attempts. The terrorist Grinevitsky threw a bomb at the feet of the tsar.
Russia in the reign of Alexander III
Alexander III inherited a state deeply shaken by a series of murders of prominent politicians and police officials. The new tsar immediately set about crushing the revolutionary circles, and their main leaders, Tkachev, Perovskaya and Alexander Ulyanov, were executed.
- Russia, instead of a constitution almost prepared by Alexander II, under the rule of his son, Alexander III, received a state with a police regime. The new emperor launched a systematic attack on his father's reforms.
- Since 1884, student circles have been banned in the country, since the government saw the main danger of freethinking in the student environment.
- The rights of local self-government were revised. The peasants again lost their vote in the election of local deputies. Rich merchants sat in the city duma, and the local nobility sat in the zemstvos.
- Judicial reform has also undergone changes. The court has become more closed, the judges are more dependent on the authorities.
- Alexander III began to spread Great Russian chauvinism. The favorite thesis of the emperor was proclaimed - “Russia for the Russians”. By 1891, pogroms of Jews began with the connivance of the authorities.
Alexander III dreamed of the revival of the absolute monarchy and the advent of the era of reaction. The reign of this king proceeded without wars and international complications. This made it possible to accelerate the development of foreign and domestic trade, cities grew, factories and factories were built. At the end of the 19th century, the length of roads in Russia increased. The construction of the Siberian Railway was begun to connect central regions states along the Pacific coast.
Rice. 2. Construction of the Siberian Railway in the second half of the XIX century.
Cultural development of Russia in the second half of the 19th century
The transformations that began in the era of Alexander II could not but affect various areas Russian culture in second XIX century.
- Literature . New views on the life of the Russian population have become widespread in the literature. The society of writers, playwrights and poets was divided into two currents - the so-called Slavophiles and Westerners. A. S. Khomyakov and K. S. Aksakov considered themselves Slavophiles. The Slavophiles believed that Russia had its own special path and there was and will not be any Western influence on Russian culture. Westerners, to whom Chaadaev P. Ya., I. S. Turgenev, historian S. M. Solovyov considered themselves, argued that Russia, on the contrary, should follow the Western path of development. Despite the differences in views, both Westerners and Slavophiles were equally worried about further fate Russian people and the state structure of the country. At the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century, Russian literature flourished. F. M. Dostoevsky, I. A. Goncharov, A. P. Chekhov and L. N. Tolstoy write their best works.
- Architecture . In architecture in the second half of the 19th century, ecletism began to prevail - a mixture of different styles and trends. This affected the construction of new stations, shopping centers, apartment buildings, etc. Also, the design of certain forms in the architecture of a more classical genre was developed. A. I. Shtakenshneider was a well-known architect in this direction, with the help of which the Mariinsky Palace in St. Petersburg was designed. St. Isaac's Cathedral was built in St. Petersburg from 1818 to 1858. This project was designed by Auguste Montferrand.
Rice. 3. St. Isaac's Cathedral. St. Petersburg.
- Painting . The artists, inspired by new trends, did not want to work under the close tutelage of the Academy, which was stuck in classicism and was cut off from the real vision of art. Thus, the artist V. G. Perov focused his attention on various aspects of the life of society, sharply criticizing the remnants of the serf system. In the 60s, the work of the portrait painter Kramskoy flourished, V. A. Tropinin left us a lifetime portrait of A. S. Pushkin. The works of P. A. Fedotov did not fit into the narrow framework of academicism either. His works “Courtship of a Major” or “Breakfast of an Aristocrat” ridiculed the stupid complacency of officials and the remnants of the serf system.
In 1852, the Hermitage was opened in St. Petersburg, where the best works of painters from all over the world were collected.
What have we learned?
From the article briefly described, you can learn about the transformations of Alexander II, the emergence of the first revolutionary circles, the counter-reforms of Alexander III, as well as the flowering of Russian culture in the second half of the 19th century.
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