Ideological currents and socio-political movements of the 19th century. Social movement in Russia in the second half of the 19th century

1.1 Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century

1.2 Decembrist movement

1.3 Social movements in Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century

2. Socio-political development of Russia in the second half of the 19th century

2.1 Peasant movement

2.2 Liberal movement

2.3 Social movement

2.5 Labor movement

2.6 The revolutionary movement in the 80s - early 90s

Conclusion

List of used literature

In the first half of the 19th century, Russia was one of the largest European powers. Its territory was about 18 million square kilometers, and the population exceeded 70 million people.

The basis of the Russian economy was Agriculture. Serfs were the most numerous category of the population. The land was the exclusive property of the landowners or the state.

The industrial development of Russia, despite the general increase in the number of enterprises by about 5 times, was low. In the main industries, the labor of serfs was used, which was not very profitable. The basis of industry was handicraft peasant crafts. In the center of Russia there were large industrial villages (for example, Ivanovo). At this time, the number of industrial centers increased significantly. This affected the growth of the urban population. The largest cities were St. Petersburg and Moscow.

The development of the mining and textile industries led to the intensification of trade both within the country and in the foreign market. Trade was predominantly seasonal. Fairs were the main trading centers. Their number at that time reached 4000.

Transport and communication systems were poorly developed, and were also mainly seasonal in nature: in the summer the waterway prevailed, in the winter - tobogganing.

At the beginning of the 19th century, a series of reforms took place in Russia that influenced its further development.

Target control work– consider socio-political movements in the 2-3 quarters of the 19th century.

Work tasks:

1. to analyze the features of the socio-political development of Russia in the first half of the 19th century;

2. to reveal the essence of the socio-political development of Russia in the 2nd half of the 19th century.

1.1 Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century

The first years of the reign of Alexander I were marked by a noticeable revival of public life. Topical issues The domestic and foreign policies of the state were discussed in scientific and literary societies, in circles of students and teachers, in secular salons and in Masonic lodges. At the center of public attention was the attitude towards the French Revolution, serfdom and autocracy.

The lifting of the ban on the activities of private printing houses, the permission to import books from abroad, the adoption of a new censorship charter (1804) - all this had a significant impact on the further spread of the ideas of the European Enlightenment in Russia. Enlightenment goals were set by I. P. Pnin, V. V. Popugaev, A. Kh. Vostokov, A. P. Kunitsyn, who created the Free Society of Lovers of Literature, Sciences and Arts in St. Petersburg (1801-1825). Being strongly influenced by the views of Radishchev, they translated the works of Voltaire, Diderot, Montesquieu, published articles and literary works.

Supporters of various ideological directions began to group around the new journals. The Bulletin of Europe, published by N. M. Karamzin, and then by V. A. Zhukovsky, enjoyed popularity.

Most Russian enlighteners considered it necessary to reform autocratic rule and abolish serfdom. However, they were only most society and, in addition, remembering the horrors of the Jacobin terror, expected to achieve their goal peacefully, through education, moral education and the formation of civil consciousness.

The bulk of the nobility and officials were conservative. The views of the majority are reflected in “A note on the ancient and new Russia” N. M. Karamzin (1811). Recognizing the need for change, Karamzin opposed the plan for constitutional reforms, since Russia, where "the sovereign is a living law," does not need a constitution, but fifty "smart and virtuous governors."

The Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian army played a huge role in the development of national self-consciousness. The country was experiencing a huge patriotic upsurge, hopes for broad transformations revived among the people and in society, everyone was waiting for changes for the better - and did not wait. The peasants were the first to be disillusioned. Heroic participants in the battles, saviors of the Fatherland, they hoped to gain freedom, but from the manifesto on the occasion of the victory over Napoleon (1814) they heard: "Peasants, our faithful people - let them receive their reward from God." A wave of peasant uprisings swept across the country, the number of which increased in the post-war period. In total, according to incomplete data, about 280 peasant unrest occurred over a quarter of a century, and about 2/3 of them took place in 1813-1820. Especially long and fierce was the movement on the Don (1818-1820), which involved more than 45 thousand peasants. Constant unrest was accompanied by the introduction of military settlements. One of the largest was the uprising in Chuguev in the summer of 1819. Discontent also grew in the army, which consisted for the most part of peasants recruited through recruitment sets. An unheard of event was the indignation of the Semyonovsky Guards Regiment, whose chief was the emperor. In October 1820, the soldiers of the regiment, driven to despair by the harassment of their regimental commander F. E. Schwartz, filed a complaint against him and refused to obey their officers. On the personal instructions of Alexander I, nine "guilty" were driven through the ranks, and then exiled to Siberia, the regiment was disbanded.

The strengthening of the conservative-protective principles in the official ideology was manifested in the return to the traditional image of Russia as a Christian power. The autocracy tried to oppose religious dogmas to the influence of the revolutionary ideas of the West. The personal mood of the emperor also played a big role here, who attributed the success of the war with Bonaparte to the intervention of the supernatural. divine powers. It is also significant that the State Council, the Senate and the Synod presented Alexander I with the title of the Blessed. After 1815, the emperor, and after him a significant part of society, increasingly plunged into religious and mystical moods. A peculiar manifestation of this phenomenon was the activity of the Bible Society, created at the end of 1812 and by 1816 had acquired an official character. He played a huge role in the activities of the Bible Society. President, Minister of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education A. N. Golitsyn. The main goal of the society was the translation, publication and distribution of the Bible among the people. In 1821 in Russia was first published New Testament in Russian. However, the ideas of mysticism spread widely among the members of the society. Golitsyn contributed to the publication and distribution of books of mystical content, provided patronage to various sects, was a supporter of the union of Christian denominations, the equation of Orthodoxy with other religions. All this caused opposition to the course of Golitsyn by numerous church hierarchs, which was headed by Photius, Archimandrite of the Novgorod Yuryev Monastery. In May 1824, the disgrace of Prince Golitsyn followed and the cooling off of Alexander I to the activities of the society. At the end of 1824 new president Metropolitan Seraphim submitted to the emperor a report on the need to close the Bible Society as harmful, in April 1826 it was liquidated

In 1814-1815. the first secret officer organizations appear (“Union of Russian Knights”, “Sacred Artel”, “Semenovskaya Artel”). Their founders - M. F. Orlov, M. A. Dmitriev-Mamonov, A. and M. Muravyovs - considered it unacceptable to preserve the serfdom of peasants and soldiers who performed a civil feat during the Napoleonic invasion.

In February 1816 in St. Petersburg, on the initiative of A. N. Muravyov, N. M. Muravyov, M. and S. Muravyov-Apostols, S. P. Trubetskoy and I. D. Yakushkin, Salvation Union. This centralized conspiratorial organization included 30 patriotic-minded young military men. A year later, the Union adopted a “statute” - a program and charter, after which the organization began to be called Society of true and faithful sons of the Fatherland. The goals of the struggle were declared to be the destruction of serfdom, "and the establishment of constitutional government. These demands were supposed to be presented at the time of the change of monarchs on the throne. M. S. Lunin and I. D. Yakushkin raised the question of the need for regicide, but N. Muravyov, I. G. Burtsov and others opposed violence, for propaganda as the only way to act.Disputes about ways to achieve the goal of society necessitated the adoption of a new charter and program.In 1818, a special commission (S.P. Trubetskoy, N. Muravyov, P.P. Koloshin ) developed a new charter, called the "Green Book" by the color of the cover. The first secret society was liquidated and created Welfare Union. The members of the Union, who could become not only the military, but also merchants, philistines, clergy and free peasants, were tasked to prepare for about 20 years public opinion to the need for change. The final goals of the Union - a political and social revolution - were not declared in the "Book", since it was intended for wide distribution.

However, dissatisfaction with educational activities in the context of growing peasant unrest, performances in the army, a number of military revolutions in Europe led to the radicalization of part of the Union. In January 1821, a congress of the Root Council met in Moscow. He declared the Welfare Union "dissolved" to facilitate the weeding out of "unreliable" members who opposed the conspiracy and violent measures. Immediately after the congress, almost simultaneously, secret Northern and Southern Societies arose, uniting supporters of an armed coup and preparing the uprising of 1825. Southern society became the Southern Council of the Union of Welfare in Tulchin. Its chairman was P. I. Pestel(1793-1826). He was a man of great talents, received an excellent education, distinguished himself in the battles of Leipzig and Troyes. By 1820, Pestel was already a staunch supporter of the republican form of government. In 1824, the Southern Society adopted a policy document drawn up by him - "Russian Truth" put forward the task of establishing a republican system in Russia. Russkaya Pravda proclaimed the dictatorship of the Provisional Supreme Rule for the entire duration of the revolution, which, as Pestel assumed, would last 10-15 years. According to Pestel's project, Russia was to become a single centralized state with a republican form of government. Legislative power belonged to the People's Council of 500 people, which was elected for a term of 5 years. The Sovereign Duma, which consisted of 5 members, became the body of executive power, elected at the veche. The supreme control body was the Supreme Council of 120 citizens elected for life. Class division was eliminated, all citizens were endowed with political rights. Serfdom was abolished. The land fund of each volost was divided into public (inalienable) and private half. From the first half, the liberated peasants and all citizens who wished to engage in agriculture received land. The second half consisted of state and private possessions and was subject to purchase and sale. The project proclaimed the sacred right of personal property, established freedom of occupation and religion for all citizens of the republic.

The southern society recognized an armed uprising in the capital as a necessary condition for success, the conditions for membership in the society were accordingly changed: now only a military man could become a member, "a decision was made on the strictest discipline and conspiracy. After the liquidation of the Union of Welfare in St. Petersburg, a new secret society was immediately formed - North, the main core of which was N. M. Muravyov, NI. Turgenev, M. S. Lunin, S. P. Trubetskoy, E. P. Obolensky and I. I. Pushchin. In the future, the composition of the society expanded significantly. A number of its members departed from the republican decisions of the Indigenous Council and returned to the idea of a constitutional monarchy. The program of the Northern Society can be judged by constitutional project of Nikita Muravyov, not accepted, however, as official document society. Russia became a constitutional-monarchical state. Federative division of the country into 15 "powers" was introduced. Power was divided into legislative, executive and judicial. The supreme legislative body was the bicameral People's Council, elected for a period of 6 years on the basis of a high property qualification. Legislative power in each "power" was performed by a bicameral Sovereign Council, elected for 4 years. The emperor had executive power, he became the "supreme official". The supreme judicial body of the federation was the Supreme Court. The estate system was abolished, civil and political freedoms were proclaimed. Serfdom was abolished, in the latest version of the constitution, N. Muravyov provided for the allocation of land to the liberated peasants (2 acres per yard). The landed property was preserved.

The most intense activity of the Decembrist organizations falls on 1824-1825: preparations were made for an open armed uprising, hard work was underway to harmonize the political platforms of the Northern and Southern societies. In 1824, it was decided to prepare and hold a unification congress by the beginning of 1826, and in the summer of 1826 to carry out a military coup. In the second half of 1825, the forces of the Decembrists increased: Society of United Slavs. It arose in 1818 as a secret political “Society of the First Consent”, in 1823 it was transformed into the Society of United Slavs, the purpose of the organization was to create a powerful republican democratic federation of Slavic peoples.

In May 1821, the emperor became aware of the Decembrists' conspiracy: to him reported on the plans and composition of the Welfare Union. But Alexander I limited himself to the words: “It’s not for me to execute them.” Uprising 14 December 1825 Sudden death Alexander I in Taganrog, which followed November 19, 1825 d., changed the plans of the conspirators and forced them to speak ahead of schedule.

The plan for a coup d'état was adopted during meetings of members of the society at Ryleev's apartment in St. Petersburg. Decisive importance was attached to the success of the speech in the capital. At the same time, troops were to march in the south of the country, in the 2nd Army. One of the founders of the Union of Salvation, S. P. Trubetskoy, colonel of the guard, famous and popular among the soldiers. On the appointed day, it was decided to withdraw the troops to Senate Square, prevent the oath of the Senate and the State Council to Nikolai Pavlovich, and on their behalf promulgate the “Manifesto to the Russian People”, which proclaimed the abolition of serfdom, freedom of the press, conscience, occupation and movement, the introduction of universal conscription instead of recruiting. The government was declared deposed, and power passed to the Provisional Government until a decision was made by a representative Grand Council on the form of government in Russia. The royal family was to be arrested. The Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress were supposed to be captured with the help of troops, and Nicholas to be killed.

But the planned plan failed. A. Yakubovich, who was supposed to command the Guards naval crew and the Izmailovsky regiment during the capture of the Winter Palace and arrest the royal family, refused to complete this task for fear of becoming the culprit of regicide. The Moscow Life Guards Regiment appeared on Senate Square, later sailors of the Guards crew and Life Grenadiers joined it - about 3 thousand soldiers and 30 officers in total. While Nikolai I was gathering troops to the square, Governor-General M.A. Miloradovich appealed to the rebels to disperse and was mortally wounded by P.G. Kakhovsky. It soon became clear that Nikolai had already managed to swear in the members of the Senate and the State Council. It was necessary to change the plan of the uprising, but S.P. Trubetskoy, who was called to lead the actions of the rebels, did not appear on the square. In the evening, the Decembrists chose a new dictator - Prince E. P. Obolensky, but time was lost. Nicholas I, after several unsuccessful attacks by the cavalry, gave the order to shoot cannons with buckshot. 1271 people were killed, and most of the victims - more than 900 - were among the sympathizers and the curious who had gathered in the square. December 29, 1825 S.I. Muravyov-Apostol and M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin managed to raise the Chernigov regiment, which was stationed in the south, in the village of Trilesy. Government troops were sent against the rebels. 3 January 1826 The Chernigov regiment was defeated.

579 officers were involved in the investigation, which was led by Nicholas I himself, 280 of them were found guilty. July 13, 1826 K. F. Ryleev, P. I. Pestel, S. I. Muravyov-Apostol, M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin m P. G. Kakhovsky were hanged. The rest of the Decembrists were demoted, exiled to hard labor in Siberia and the Caucasian regiments. Soldiers and sailors (2.5 thousand people) were judged separately. Some of them were sentenced to punishment with gauntlets (178 people), 23 - with sticks and rods. Others were sent to the Caucasus and Siberia.

In the first years of the reign of Nikolai Pavlovich, his desire to restore order in state institutions, eradicate abuses and establish legality inspired the society with hope for changes for the better. Nicholas I was even compared with Peter I. But the illusions were quickly dispelled.

In the late 20's - early 30's. Moscow University becomes the center of social ferment. Among his students there are circles in which plans are developed for conducting anti-government agitation (the circle of the Cretan brothers), an armed uprising and the introduction of constitutional government (the circle of N. P. Sungurov). A group of supporters of the republic and utopian socialism were united around themselves in the early 1930s. A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev. All these student societies did not exist for long, they were discovered and destroyed.

At the same time, a student of Moscow University V. G. Belinsky (1811-1848) organized the “Literary Society of Number 11” (according to the room number), in which his drama “Dmitry Kalinin”, questions of philosophy and aesthetics were discussed. In 1832, Belinsky was expelled from the university "for limited abilities" and because of "poor health."

The circle of N. V. Stankevich, also at Moscow University, existed somewhat longer than others. He was distinguished by liberal political moderation. The members of the circle were fond of German philosophy, especially Hegel, history and literature. After Stankevich left for treatment abroad in 1837, the circle gradually disintegrated. Since the end of the 30s. the liberal direction took the form of the ideological currents of Westernism and Slavophilism.

Slavophiles - mainly thinkers and publicists (A. S. Khomyakov, I. V. and P. V. Kireevsky, I. S. and K. S. Aksakov, Yu. F. Samarin) idealized pre-Petrine Russia, insisted on its originality, which they saw in the peasant community, alien to social hostility, and in Orthodoxy. These features, in their opinion, will ensure a peaceful path of social transformations in the country. Russia was to return to Zemsky Sobors, but without serfdom.

Westerners - predominantly historians and writers (I. S. Turgenev, T. N. Granovsky, S. M. Solovyov, K. D. Kavelin, B. N. Chicherin) were supporters of the European path of development and advocated a peaceful transition to a parliamentary system. However, in the main, the positions of the Slavophiles and the Westernizers coincided: they were in favor of carrying out political and social reforms from above, against revolutions.

radical direction formed around the journals Sovremennik and Otechestvennye Zapiski, in which V. G. Belinsky, A. I. Herzen, and N. A. Nekrasov spoke. Supporters of this direction also believed that Russia would follow the European path, but unlike the liberals, they believed that revolutionary upheavals were inevitable. Herzen, dissociating himself in the late 40s. from Westernism and having adopted a number of ideas of the Slavophiles, he came to the idea Russian socialism. He considered the community and the artel to be the basis of the future social structure and assumed self-government on a national scale and public ownership of land.

An independent figure in the ideological opposition to the Nikolaev rule was P. Ya. Chaadaev(1794-1856). A graduate of Moscow University, a participant in the battle of Borodino and the “battle of the peoples” near Leipzig, a friend of the Decembrists and A.S. Pushkin, in 1836 he published in the journal Teleskop the first of his Philosophical Letters, which, according to Herzen, “ shocked all thinking Russia. Chaadaev gave a very gloomy assessment of Russia's historical past and its role in world history; he was extremely pessimistic about the possibilities of social progress in Russia. Chaadaev considered the main reason for Russia's separation from the European historical tradition to be the rejection of Catholicism in favor of the religion of slavery - Orthodoxy. The government regarded the "Letter" as an anti-government speech: the magazine was closed, the publisher was sent into exile, the censor was fired, and Chaadaev was declared insane and placed under police supervision.

A significant place in the history of the social movement of the 40s. occupies a society that has developed around a utopian socialist M. V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. Since 1845, his acquaintances gathered on Fridays to discuss philosophical, literary and socio-political issues. F. M. Dostoevsky, A. N. Maikov, A. N. Pleshcheev, M. E. Saltykov, A. G. Rubinshtein, P. P. Semenov have been here. Gradually separate illegal groups of his supporters began to emerge around Petrashevsky's circle in St. Petersburg. By 1849, part of the Petrashevites, who had pinned their hopes on a peasant revolution, began to discuss plans to create a secret society, the purpose of which would be to overthrow the autocracy and destroy serfdom. In April 1849, the most active members of the circle "were arrested, their intentions were regarded by the investigating commission as a most dangerous" conspiracy of ideas ", and the military court sentenced 21 Petrashevites to death. and reference to the settlement. The period called by A. I. Herzen, “the era of excited intellectual interests,” has ended. There was a reaction in Russia. A new revival came only in 1856.

Peasant movement during the reign of Nicholas I, it constantly increased: if in the second quarter of the century there were on average up to 43 performances per year, then in the 50s. their number reached 100. The main reason, as the department informed the tsar III in 1835, which caused cases of disobedience of the peasants, was the “thought of liberty”. The largest performances of this period were the so-called "Cholera riots". In the autumn of 1830, an uprising of Tambov peasants during an epidemic marked the beginning of unrest that swept entire provinces and lasted until August 1831. In cities and villages, huge crowds, fueled by rumors of deliberate infection, smashed hospitals, killed doctors, policemen and officials. In the summer of 1831, during the cholera epidemic in St. Petersburg, up to 600 people died daily. The unrest that began in the city spread to the Novgorod military settlements. In 1834-1835, the state peasants of the Urals were greatly indignant, caused by the government's intention to transfer them to the category of appanage. In the 40s. mass unauthorized resettlement of serfs from 14 provinces to the Caucasus and other regions began, which the government managed to stop with difficulty with the help of troops.

The unrest of the serf workers during these years acquired significant proportions. Of the 108 labor unrest in the 30-50s. approximately 60% occurred among sessional workers. In 1849, more than half a century of struggle of Kazan cloth makers ended with their transfer from a sessional state to a civilian one.

1.4 National liberation movement

Polish uprising 1830-1831 The annexation of Poland to the Russian Empire strengthened the opposition movement, which was headed by the Polish nobility and whose goal was to restore Polish statehood and return Poland to the borders of 1772. Violations of the constitution of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815, the arbitrariness of the Russian administration, and the influence of the European situation. On November 17 (29), members of a secret society that united officers, students, and intellectuals attacked the residence of Grand Duke Konstantin in Warsaw. The townspeople and soldiers of the Polish army joined the conspirators. The Provisional Government was formed, the creation of the National Guard began. On January 13 (25), the Sejm proclaimed the dethronement (removal from the Polish throne) of Nicholas I and elected the National Government headed by A. Czartoryski. This meant declaring war on Russia.

Soon, a 120,000-strong Russian army under the command of I. I. Dibich entered the Kingdom of Poland. Despite the numerical superiority of the Russian troops (the Polish army numbered 50-60 thousand people), the war dragged on. Only on August 27 (September 8) did the Russian army under the command of I.F. Paskevich (he replaced Dibmch, who died of cholera) enter Warsaw. The constitution of 1815 was repealed. According to the 1832 Organic statute Poland became an integral part of Russia. Caucasian war. Ended in the 20s. 19th century the annexation of the Caucasus to Russia gave rise to the separatist movement of the mountaineers-Muslims of Chechnya, Mountainous Dagestan and the North-Western Caucasus. It was held under the banner of muridism (obedience) and was headed by the local clergy. Murids called on all Muslims to a holy war against the "infidels". AT 1834 imam (leader of the movement) Shamil. On the territory of mountainous Dagestan and Chechnya, he created a theocratic state - an imamate, which had ties with Turkey and received military support from England. Shamil's popularity was enormous, he managed to gather up to 20 thousand soldiers under his command. After significant success in the 1940s Shamil under the pressure of Russian troops was forced to surrender in 1859 in the village of Gunib. Then he was in honorary exile in Central Russia. In the Northwest Caucasus fighting, which led the tribes of the Circassians, Shapsugs, Ubykhs and Circassians, continued until the end of 1864, when the Kbaada tract (Krasnaya Polyana) was taken.

2.1 Peasant movement

Peasant movement since the late 50s. fueled by constant rumors about the impending release. If in 1851-1855. there were 287 peasant unrest, then in 1856-1859. - 1341. The deep disappointment of the peasants in the nature and content of the reform was expressed in mass refusals to perform their duties and sign "statutory charters". Rumors spread widely among the peasantry about the falsity of the “Regulations of February 19” and about the preparation by the government of a “real will” by 1863.

The greatest number of unrest falls on March - July 1861, when the disobedience of the peasants was registered in 1176 estates. In 337 estates, military commands were used to pacify the peasants. The largest clashes occurred in the Penza and Kazan provinces. In the village of Bezdna, which became the center of peasant unrest that engulfed three counties of the Kazan province, 91 people were killed and 87 wounded by troops. In 1862-1863. the wave of peasant uprisings noticeably subsided. In 1864 open disturbances of peasants were registered only in 75 estates.

Since the mid 70s. the peasant movement again begins to gain strength under the influence of land scarcity, the severity of payments and duties. The consequences of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 also affected, and in 1879-1880. poor crops and crop shortages led to famine. The number of peasant unrest grew mainly in the central, eastern and southern provinces. The unrest among the peasants was intensified by the rumors about the impending new redistribution of land.

The greatest number of performances by peasants falls on 1881-1884. The main reasons for unrest were the increase in the size of various duties and the appropriation of peasant lands by landowners. The peasant movement noticeably intensified after the famine of 1891-1892, and the peasants increasingly resorted to armed attacks on police and military detachments, to the seizure of landlord property, and collective logging.

Meanwhile, in his agricultural policy the government tried by regulating peasant life to preserve its patriarchal way of life. After the abolition of serfdom, the process of disintegration of the peasant family proceeded rapidly, and the number of family divisions grew. The law of 1886 established the procedure for holding a family division only with the consent of the head of the family and 2/3 of the village assembly. But this measure only led to the growth of illegal divisions, because it was impossible to stop this natural process. In the same year, a law was passed on the hiring of agricultural workers, obliging the peasant to sign an agreement to work with the landowner and providing for severe punishment for leaving him without permission. The government attached great importance in its agrarian policy to the preservation of the peasant community. The law adopted in 1893 forbade the mortgage of allotment lands, allowed their sale only to fellow villagers, and the early redemption of peasant lands, provided for by the “Regulations of February 19, 1861”, was allowed only with the consent of 2/3 of the gathering. In the same year, a law was passed, which had as its task to eliminate some of the shortcomings of communal land use. The right of the community to redistribute the land was limited, and the allotments were assigned to the peasants. From now on, at least 2/3 of the gathering had to vote for the redistribution, and the interval between redistributions could not be less than 12 years. This created conditions for improving the quality of land cultivation, increasing productivity. The laws of 1893 strengthened the position of the prosperous peasantry, made it difficult for the poorest peasantry to leave the community, and consolidated the lack of land. For the sake of preserving the community, the government, despite the abundance of free land, held back the resettlement movement.

liberal movement late 50s - early 60s. was the widest and had many various shades. But, one way or another, the liberals advocated the establishment of constitutional forms of government by peaceful means, for political and civil freedoms and the enlightenment of the people. Being supporters of legal forms, the liberals acted through the press and the Zemstvo. Historians were the first to outline the program of Russian liberalism K.D, Kavelin and B: N. Chicherin, who in their "Letter to the Publisher" (1856) spoke in favor of reforming the existing order "from above" and proclaimed the "law of gradualness" as the basic law of history. Widespread in the late 1950s. received liberal notes and reform projects, liberal journalism developed. Tribune of liberal Westerners! ideas was the new journal "Russian Messenger" (1856-1862>, | based M. N. Katkov. Liberal-Slavophile A. I. Koshelev magazines "Russian conversation" and "Rural improvement" were published. In 1863, the publication of one of the largest Russian newspapers, Russkiye Vedomosti, began in Moscow, which became the organ of the liberal intelligentsia. Since 1866, the liberal historian M. M. Stasyulevich founded the journal Vestnik Evropy.

A peculiar phenomenon of Russian liberalism was the position of the Tver provincial nobility, which, even during the preparation and discussion of the peasant reform, came up with a constitutional project. And in 1862, the Tver noble assembly recognized the unsatisfactoriness of the "Regulations on February 19", the need for the immediate redemption of peasant allotments with the help of the state. It spoke in favor of the destruction of the estates, the reform of the court, administration and finance.

The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.

In an effort to go beyond local interests and associations, liberal leaders spent in the late 70s. several all-zemstvo congresses, to which the government reacted rather neutrally. Only in 1880. leaders of liberalism SA Muromtsev, V.Yu. Skalon, A. A. Chuprov turned to M. T. Loris-Melikov with a call to introduce constitutional principles.

In the context of the political crisis at the turn of the 50-60s. stepped up their activities revolutionary democrats - radical wing of the opposition. The ideological center of this trend has been since 1859 the journal Sovremennik, which was led by N. G. Chernyshevsky(1828-1889) and I. A. Dobrolyubov (1836-1861).

A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky in the early 60s. formulated the concept of revolutionary populism(Russian socialism), combining the social utopianism of the French socialists with the rebellious movement of the Russian peasantry.

The intensification of peasant unrest during the period of the reform in 1861 inspired hope in the leaders of the radical direction that a peasant revolution in Russia was possible. The revolutionary democrats distributed leaflets and proclamations, which contained appeals to the peasants, young students, soldiers, and schismatics to prepare for the struggle (“Bow to the lordly peasants from their well-wishers”, “K young generation”, “Great Russian” and “Young Russia”).

The agitation of the leaders of the democratic camp had a certain influence on the development and expansion of student movement. In Kazan, in April 1861, there was a speech by students of the university and the theological academy, who held a demonstrative memorial service for the peasants killed in the village of Bezdna, Spassky district, Kazan province. In the autumn of 1861, the student movement engulfed St. Petersburg, Moscow and Kazan, and student street demonstrations took place in both capitals. The formal reason for the unrest was the issues of internal university life, but their political nature was manifested in the struggle against the authorities.

In late 1861 - early 1862, a group of revolutionary populists (N. A. Serno-Solovyevich, M. L. Mikhailov, N. N. Obruchev, A. A. Sleptsov, N. V. Shelgunov) created the first after the defeat Decembrists is a conspiratorial revolutionary organization of all-Russian significance. Her inspirers were Herzen and Chernyshevsky. The organization was named "Land and freedom". She was engaged in the distribution of illegal literature, led the preparations for the uprising, scheduled for 1863.

In the middle of 1862, the government, having enlisted the support of the liberals, launched a broad repressive campaign against the revolutionary democrats. Sovremennik was closed (until 1863). The acknowledged leaders of the radicals, N. G. Chernyshevsky, N. A. Serno-Solov'evich, and D. I. Pisarev, were arrested. Accused of drafting a proclamation and preparing anti-government speeches; Chernyshevsky was sentenced in February 1864 to 14 years of hard labor and permanent settlement in Siberia. Serno-Solovyevich was also exiled forever to Siberia and died there in 1866. Pisarev spent four years in the Peter and Paul Fortress, was released under police supervision and soon drowned.

After the arrest of its leaders and the failure of plans for an armed uprising, prepared by the branches of "Land and Freedom" in the Volga region, its Central People's Committee in the spring of 1864 decided to suspend the activities of the organization.

In the 60s. on the wave of rejection of the existing order, the ideology of nihilism. Denying philosophy, art, morality, religion, the nihilists called themselves materialists and preached "selfishness based on reason."

At the same time, under the influence of socialist ideas, the novel by N. G. Chernyshevsky “What is to be done?” (1862), artels, workshops, communes arose, hoping through the development of collective labor to prepare for the socialist transformation of society. Having failed, they disintegrated or switched to illegal activities.

In the autumn of 1863, in Moscow, under the influence of Land and Freedom, a circle arose under the leadership of a raznochinets N. A. Ishutina, which by 1865 had become a fairly large underground organization that had a branch in St. Petersburg (headed by I. A. Khudyakov). On April 4, 1866, D. V. Karakozov from Ishutin made an unsuccessful attempt on Alexander II. The entire Ishutin organization was destroyed, Karakozov was hanged, nine members of the organization, including Ishutin and Khudyakov, were sent to hard labor. The magazines Sovremennik and Russkoe Slovo were closed.

In 1871, Russian society was outraged by the murder of a student Ivanov, a member of a radical underground organization "People's massacre". He was killed for disobedience to the head of the organization, S. G. Nechaev. Nechaev built his "Massacre" on the basis of personal dictatorship and the justification of any means in the name of revolutionary goals. The trial of the Nechayevites began the era of political trials (more than 80 in total), which became an integral part of public life until the early 1980s.

In the 70s. there were several close currents of utopian socialism, called "populism". The Narodniks believed that thanks to the peasant community (“cell of socialism”) and the qualities of the communal peasant (“revolutionary by instinct”, “born communist”), Russia would be able to cross directly. to the socialist system. The views of the theoreticians of populism (M. A. Bakunin, P. L. Lavrov, N. K. Mikhailovsky, P. N. Tkachev) differed in matters of tactics, but they all saw the main obstacle to socialism in state power and believed that a secret organization , the revolutionary leaders must raise the people to revolt and lead them to victory.

At the turn of the 60-70s. Numerous populist circles arose. Among them stood out society "chaikovtsy"(N. V. Tchaikovsky, A. I. Zhelyabov, P. A. Kropotkin, S. L. Perovskaya and others). Members of the society carried out propaganda among the peasants and workers, and then led "walking among the people".

In the spring of 1874, thousands of members of populist organizations went to the villages. Most of them aimed at the speedy preparation of a peasant uprising. They gathered gatherings, spoke about the oppression of the people, urged "to disobey the authorities." The "going to the people" continued for several years and covered more than 50 provinces of Russia. did not find a response, the peasants often betrayed the propagandists to the authorities.The government fell upon the populists with a new wave of repressions, and in October 1877 - January 1878 the populists were tried (the "trial of the 193s").

At the end of 1876 - arose new, centralized all-Russian organization populists "Land and freedom". Kexpirative-. center (L. G. Deich, V. I. Zasulich, S. M. Kravchinskiy, A. D. Mikhailov, M. A. Natanson, S. L. Perovskaya, G. V. Plekhanov, V. N. Figner) led the activities of individual groups of "Land and Freedom" in at least 15 large cities of the country. Soon, two currents arose in the organization: some were inclined to continue propaganda work, others considered terrorist activity the only means of bringing the revolution closer. In August 1879, the final disintegration took place. Supporters of propaganda united in the "Black Redistribution", adherents of terror - in the "People's Will". "Black redistribution", uniting circles in Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities, existed until 1881. By this time, all its members either emigrated (Plekhanov, Zasulich, Deutsch), or moved away from the revolutionary movement, or switched to Narodnaya Volya.

"People's Will" united circles of students, workers, officers. The strictly conspiratorial leadership included A.I. Zhelyabov, A.I. Barannikov, A.A. Kvyatkovsky, N. N. Kolodkevich, A. D. Mikhailov, N. A. Morozov, S. L. Perovskaya, V. N. Figner, M. F. Frolenko. In 1879, the Narodnaya Volya, hoping to cause a political crisis and uplift the people, committed a series of terrorist acts. The death sentence for Alexander II was passed by the Executive Committee of the People's Will in August 1879. After several unsuccessful assassination attempts March 1, 1881 in St. Petersburg, Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by the Narodnaya Volya I. I. Grinevitsky.

The social movement during the reign of Alexander III experienced a decline. Under conditions of government persecution and repression against dissent big influence purchased by the editor of Moskovskie Vedomosti and Russkiy Vestnik M. N. Katkov. He's in the 40's and 50's. was close to the moderate liberals, and in the 60s he became an ardent supporter of the conservative direction. Fully sharing the political ideals of Alexander III, Katkov in the 80s. reaches the zenith of his fame and political power, becoming the ideological inspirer of a new government course. Prince V. P. Meshchersky, the editor of the journal Grazhdanin, was also the mouthpiece of the official trend. Alexander III patronized Meshchersky, providing tacit financial support to his journal.

The weakness of the liberal movement was manifested in the inability to resist the protective policy of the autocracy. After March 1, 1881, in an address to Alexander III, liberal figures condemned the terrorist activities of the revolutionaries and expressed their hope for "the completion of the great cause of state renewal." Despite the fact that the hope was not justified and the government went on the offensive against the liberal press and the rights of zemstvo institutions, the liberal movement did not turn into an opposition one. However, in the 90s. there is a gradual demarcation within the Zemstvo-liberal movement. Democratic sentiments are growing among zemstvo doctors, teachers, and statisticians. This led to constant conflicts between the zemstvos and the local administration.

The democratization of the system of public education, the emergence of a large number of specialists with higher education from the nobility and raznochintsy significantly expanded the circle intelligentsia. The Russian intelligentsia is a unique phenomenon in the social life of Russia, the emergence of which can be attributed to the 1930s and 1940s. 19th century This is a small stratum of society, closely associated with social groups professionally engaged in mental work (intellectuals), but does not merge with them. Distinctive features of the intelligentsia were high ideological commitment and a principled focus on actively opposing traditional state principles, based on a rather peculiar perception of Western ideas. As N. A. Berdyaev noted, “what in the West was a scientific theory, a hypothesis subject to criticism, or, in any case, a relative, partial truth, not claiming to be universal, among Russian intellectuals turned into dogmatics, into something like a religious inspiration." In this environment, various areas of social thought developed.

In the second half of the 50s. Glasnost was the first manifestation of the “thaw” that came shortly after the accession of Alexander II. December 3, 1855 was closed the Supreme Censorship Committee, weakened censorship rules. Publications have become widespread in Russia "Free Russian printing house", created by A I. Herzen in London. In July 1855, the first issue of the collection Polar Star was published, named by Herzen in memory of the almanac of the same name by the Decembrists Ryleev and Bestuzhev. In July 1857 Herzen, together with N. P. Ogarev started publishing a newspaper "Bell"(1857-1867), which, despite the official ban, was illegally imported into Russia in large quantities and was a huge success. This was facilitated by the relevance of the published materials and the literary skill of their authors. In 1858, the historian B.N. Chicherin declared to Herzen: “You are the force, you are the power in the Russian state.” Proclaiming the idea of the liberation of the peasantry, A. I. Herzen declared: “Whether it will be liberation“ from above ”or“ from below ”, we will be for it”, which provoked criticism from both liberals and revolutionary democrats.

2.4 Polish Uprising of 1863

In 1860-1861. a wave of mass demonstrations commemorating the anniversary of the uprising of 1830 swept throughout the Kingdom of Poland. One of the largest was the demonstration in Warsaw in February 1861, to disperse which the government used troops. Martial law was introduced in Poland, mass arrests were carried out. At the same time, certain concessions were made: the State Council was restored, the university in Warsaw was reopened, etc. In this situation, secret youth circles arose that called on the urban sections of the population to an armed uprising. Polish society was divided into two parties: the supporters of the uprising were called the “Reds.” The “Whites,” the landowners and the big bourgeoisie, hoped to achieve the restoration of an independent Poland through diplomatic means.

In the first half of 1862, the circles were united into a single insurrectionary organization headed by the Central National Committee, the secret center for the preparation of the uprising (I; Dombrovsky, 3. Padlevsky, S. Serakovsky and others). The program of the Central Committee included the liquidation of the estates, the transfer of the land cultivated by them to the peasants, the restoration of independent Poland within the borders of 1772, with the provision of the population of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine with the right to decide their own fate.

An uprising broke out in Poland on January 22, 1863. The immediate cause was the decision of the authorities to conduct in mid-January 18b3 in Polish cities and towns, according to previously prepared lists, a recruitment of persons suspected of revolutionary activity. The Central Committee of the "Reds" decided on an immediate action. Military operations developed spontaneously. The “whites”, who soon came to lead the uprising, relied on the support of the Western European powers. Despite the note of England and France demanding an end to the bloodshed in Poland, the suppression of the uprising continued. Prussia supported Russia. Russian troops under the command of General F.F. Berg entered the fight against insurgent detachments in Poland. In Lithuania and Belarus, the troops were led by the Vilna Governor-General M. N. Muravyov (“Hangman”).

On March 1, Alexander II canceled the temporarily obligated relations of peasants, reduced quitrent payments by 2.0% in Lithuania, Belarus and Western Ukraine. Taking as a basis the agrarian decrees of the Polish rebels, the government announced a land reform during the hostilities. Having lost the support of the peasantry as a result, the Polish uprising by the autumn of 1864 suffered a final defeat.

2.5 Labor movement

labor movement 60s was not significant. Cases of passive resistance and protest prevailed - filing complaints or simply fleeing the factories. Due to serf traditions and the absence of special labor legislation, a strict regime of exploitation of hired labor was established. Over time, workers began to strike more and more often, especially in large enterprises. The usual demand was to reduce fines, increase wages, improvement of working conditions. From the 70s. labor movement is gradually increasing. Along with unrest, not accompanied by the cessation of work, the filing of collective complaints, etc., the number of strikes covering large industrial enterprises is growing: 1870 - Nevsky paper mill in St. Petersburg, 1871-1872. - Putilovsky, Semyannikovsky and Aleksandrovsky factories; 1878-1879 - A new paper-spinning plant and a number of other enterprises in St. Petersburg. Strikes were sometimes suppressed with the help of the troops, the workers were put on trial.

Unlike the peasant labor movement was more organized. The activities of the Narodniks played a significant role in the creation of the first workers' circles. Already in 1875. under the guidance of a former student E. O. Zaslavsky in Odessa arose "South Russian Union of Workers"(crushed by the authorities at the end of the same year). Under the influence of the St. Petersburg strikes and unrest, the "Northern Union of Russian Workers"(1878-1880) headed by V.P. Obnorsky and S.N. Khalturin. The unions carried on propaganda among the workers and set as their goal the revolutionary struggle "against the existing political and economic system" and per- establishment of socialist relations. "Northern Union" actively cooperated with "Earth - and will." After the arrest of the leaders, the organization broke up.

The industrial crisis of the early 80s. and the depression that followed it created mass unemployment and poverty. The owners of enterprises widely practiced mass layoffs, lowering rates for work, increasing fines, and the working and living conditions of workers worsened. Cheap female and child labor was widely used. There were no restrictions on working hours. There was no labor protection, which led to an increase in accidents. At the same time, there were no injury benefits or workers' insurance.

In the first half of the 80s. the government, trying to prevent the escalation of conflicts, took on the role of an intermediary between employees and entrepreneurs. First of all, the most malicious forms of exploitation were eliminated by law. On June 1, 1882, the use of the labor of minors was limited, and a factory inspection was introduced to supervise the implementation of this law. In 1884, a law was passed on the schooling of children working in factories. On June 3, 1885, the law “On the prohibition of night work for minors and women in factories and manufactories” followed.

Economic strikes and labor unrest in the early 1980s. generally did not go beyond individual enterprises. played an important role in the development of the mass labor movement strike at Morozov's Nikolskaya manufactory (Orekhov-Zuevo) in January 1885 it was attended by about 8 thousand people. The strike was prearranged. The workers made demands not only to the owner of the enterprise (changing the system of fines, the procedure for dismissal, etc.), but also to the government (introducing state control over the situation of workers, adopting legislation on employment conditions). The government took measures to stop the strike (more than 600 people were deported to their homeland, 33 were put on trial) and at the same time put pressure on the owners of the manufactory, seeking to satisfy individual workers' demands and prevent future unrest.

The trial of the leaders of the Morozov strike took place in May 1886 and revealed facts of the grossest arbitrariness of the administration. The workers were acquitted by a jury. Under the influence of the Morozov strike, the government adopted 3 June 1885 law "On the Supervision of the Establishments of the Factory Industry and on the Mutual Relations of Manufacturers and Workers." The law partly regulated the procedure for hiring and firing workers, somewhat streamlined the system of fines, and established penalties for participating in strikes. The rights and duties of the factory inspectorate were expanded and provincial offices for factory affairs were created. The echo of the Morozov strike was a strike wave at industrial enterprises in the Moscow and Vladimir provinces, St. Petersburg, Donbass.

The revolutionary movement in the 80s - early 90s. characterized primarily by the decline of populism and the spread of Marxism in Russia. Disunited groups of Narodnaya Volya continued to operate even after the defeat of the Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya in 1884, defending individual terror as a means of struggle. But even these groups included social democratic ideas in their programs. Such was, for example, the circle of P. Ya. Shevyrev - A. I. Ulyanov / who organized on March 1, 1887. unsuccessful assassination attempt on Alexander III. 15 members of the circle were arrested and put on trial. Five, including A. Ulyanov, were sentenced to death. The idea of a bloc with the liberals and a renunciation of the revolutionary struggle is gaining more and more popularity among the Narodniks. Disillusionment with populism and the study of the experience of European social democracy led some of the revolutionaries to Marxism.

On September 25, 1883, the former members of the Black Repartition, who emigrated to Switzerland (P. B. Axelrod, G. V. Plekhanov, L. G. Deich, V. I. Zasulich, V. I. Ignatov), created in Geneva social democratic group "Emancipation of labor" and in September of the same year announced the launch of the publication of “Library modern socialism". The Emancipation of Labor Group laid the foundations Russian social democratic movement. An important role in the spread of Marxism among the revolutionaries was played by G. V. Plekhanova(1856-1918). In 1882 he translated into Russian the Manifesto of the Communist Party. In his work "Socialism and political struggle” (1883) and “Our Differences” (1885) G. V. Plekhanov criticized the views of the populists, denied Russia’s readiness for socialist revolution and called for the creation of a social democratic party, the preparation of a bourgeois-democratic revolution and the creation of the socio-economic prerequisites for socialism.

Since the mid 80s. in Russia, the first social-democratic circles of students and workers arise: “Party of Russian Social-Democrats” by D.N. Blagoev (1883-1887), “Association of St. Petersburg Craftsmen” by P.V. E. Fedoseeva in Kazan (1888-1889), “Social Democratic Society” by M. I. Brusnev (1889-1892).

At the turn of the 80-90s. Social Democratic groups existed in Kyiv, Kharkov, Odessa, Minsk, Tula, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Vilna, Rostov-on-Don, Tiflis and other cities.

The results of the policy of the government of Nicholas I on the peasant issue cannot be underestimated. As a result of a thirty-year "trench war" against serfdom, the autocracy succeeded not only in softening the most odious manifestations of serfdom, but also significantly closer to their elimination. The conviction in the need for the liberation of the peasants grew stronger in society. Seeing the perseverance of the government, the nobility gradually got used to this idea. In secret committees and commissions, in the ministries of internal affairs and state property, cadres of future reformers were forged, and general approaches to the coming reforms were developed.

But, in other respects, with regard to administrative reforms, economic reforms (with the exception of the monetary reform of E.F. Krankin), there were no significant changes.

Russia still remained a feudal state lagging behind Western countries in a number of indicators.

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7. History of Russia IX - XX centuries. Handbook on national history for high school students, applicants and students. / Edited by M.M. Shumilova, S.P. Ryabinkin. S-P. 1997

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The main directions of socio-political thought in Russia in the first half of the 19th century.

social movement in the 19th century.

Lecture 2

2. Revolutionary-democratic movement in the 40-80s of the 19th century. Populism.

1. The main directions of socio-political thought in Russia in the first half of the 19th century. The growing awareness of Russia's lagging behind Western European countries led to the rise of a social movement. Its distinctive feature in Russia in the first half of the 19th century was that the struggle for essentially bourgeois transformations was led by the nobles. The Russian bourgeoisie was still weak; being at the stage of formation, she cared only about the increase of capital.

In the second quarter of the 19th century, three trends emerged in the social movement in Russia: conservative, liberal-democratic, and revolutionary-democratic. The conservatives insisted on preserving the foundations of the existing order; liberals recognized the need for reform and put pressure on the government to force it to start reforms; radicals insisted on a radical change in the existing system.

At the beginning of his reign, Alexander I pursued a liberal policy. In 1801, under the emperor, a The secret committee, which included his friends - Count P. Stroganov, Count V. Kochubey, Prince Czartorysky and Count N. Novosiltsev. The committee discussed the pressing issues of Russian life - serfdom, public education and others. In 1803, a decree was issued on free cultivators, according to which the landlords received the right to release peasants with land for a ransom. And although the practical significance of this decree is small - the landowners appointed a very high amount of ransom - it had an important legal significance: the peasants were recognized the right to become free people. In an effort to somehow disguise serfdom, the government forbade the publication of advertisements for the sale of serfs in newspapers, trade in peasants at fairs, and exile peasants to hard labor.

In 1803, a new regulation on the organization of educational institutions was approved. Continuity was introduced between schools of various levels. In addition to Moscow, five universities were founded: Derpt, Kharkov, Vilna, Kazan, St. Petersburg. Universities were independent in the choice of the rector and professors, independent in many other matters.

In 1802, the Petrine collegiums were replaced by ministries. Initially, eight ministries were established: the military, naval forces, foreign affairs, justice, internal affairs, finance, commerce, public education. In subsequent years, the number of ministries increased, and their functions were even more clearly delineated. As a result, the sectoral management system was established in the country. The unity of command of the ministers and their direct subordination to the emperor contributed to the strengthening of the autocracy and the centralization of power. The role and powers of the Chief Prosecutor of the Synod were strengthened.

In 1810, under the emperor, the State Council was established - the highest legislative body. The creation of the State Council was integral part reform project government controlled, developed by M. Speransky (and became his only result). The project provided for the principle of separation of powers, the convening of a representative State Duma and the introduction of elected judicial instances.

Speransky's plans provoked sharp criticism from the conservative nobility. The well-known historian Karamzin became the ideologist of the conservatives. In the “Note on Ancient and New Russia”, addressed to the tsar, N. Karamzin argued the need to preserve the autocracy, argued that the prosperity of Russia would be brought not by reforms, but by the selection of worthy people for leadership positions. As a result, M. Speransky was removed from business and exiled.

But Alexander I did not leave the thought of reforms. In 1815, a constitution was introduced in the Kingdom of Poland, which became part of Russia after the defeat of Napoleon. Legislative power belonged to the parliament - the Sejm, executive power - to the emperor. The principles of the Polish constitution were used in the Charter of the Russian Empire, prepared on behalf of the tsar by the Minister of Justice N. Novosiltsev. Projects for the abolition of serfdom were also developed. But they all remained on paper.

In 1815-1825. in Alexander's politics, a conservative trend began to intensify. It found expression in the creation of military settlements, the destruction of Moscow and Kazan universities, military and police arbitrariness. In the last decade of the reign of Alexander I in domestic politics more and more conservative trend. By the name of her guide, she received the name "Arakcheevshchina".

Disappointment in the liberalism of Alexander became one of the prerequisites for the formation of the ideology of the Decembrists, which laid the foundation for a radical trend in the socio-political thought of the country.

The Decembrists' movement was caused by the objective conditions of the country's socio-economic development, by the understanding that the preservation of serfdom and autocracy was disastrous for the future fate of the country. Patriotic War of 1812, in which leading role the people played, and the subsequent foreign campaign of the Russian army convinced the Decembrists of the need to improve the share of the peasantry. The growing anti-serfdom struggle of the peasants and the international situation, the revolutionary events of the late 18th century in Europe, education in advanced educational institutions and acquaintance with the ideas of the advanced French enlighteners also contributed to the formation of a revolutionary ideology.

The first political secret society - the Union of Salvation - was founded in 1816 by P. Pestel, A.N. Muravyov, M.I. Muravyov, S. Trubetskoy. The goals of the society were the destruction of serfdom, the elimination of autocracy, the introduction of representative government in Russia. However, the means to achieve the goal were rather vague, and the number of members of the society is very limited - about three dozen.

In 1818, the "Union of Welfare" was created, uniting about 200 people. The society was led by A. and N. Muravyov, S. and M. Muravyov-Apostles, P. Pestel, M. Lunin and others. charitable activities, seeking to shape public opinion against serfdom. Members of the society set free their serfs, redeemed them from the landlords, and set free the most gifted peasants. However, there were sharp ideological and tactical disagreements within society, which caused the organization to self-dissolve in 1821. Thus, it was decided to get rid of random people and create a carefully conspiratorial organization to prepare for a revolutionary action.

In 1821-1822. on the basis of the disbanded "Union of Welfare", the Southern and Northern societies arose. They were interconnected, their members considered themselves members of a single organization. The founder and leader of the Southern Society was P. Pestel, the leader of the Northern Society was N. Muravyov. In 1823, the "Society of United Slavs" was created in Ukraine, which later merged with the Southern Society.

The struggle between the radical and moderate directions within the Decembrists' movement found expression in the program documents of organizations - N. Muravyov's Constitution and Pestel's Russkaya Pravda. Both documents provided for the abolition of serfdom and the destruction of autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms in the country, the abolition of class restrictions, i.e. carrying out bourgeois-democratic reforms. However, the “Constitution” was distinguished by moderation in solving the main issues. Muravyov advocated a constitutional monarchy, in which the legislative power in the country belongs to the parliament ("People's Council"), the executive - to the emperor. The suffrage of citizens was limited to a 500-ruble property qualification. The “Constitution” provided for the allocation of land to the peasants in the amount of 2 acres and declared the right of private ownership of land to be sacred, which guaranteed the inviolability of the landowners' lands.

Pestel, a staunch Republican, spoke out for the destruction of the autocracy and the proclamation of Russia as a republic. Russkaya Pravda provided for the introduction of a universal suffrage for men over 20 years of age. Pestel put forward the principle of distributing land according to the labor norm to ensure a living wage. To this end, it was planned to create a public land fund from the state, monastic and part of the landlords' land.

Despite the differences, both documents were programs for the bourgeois-democratic transformation of society.

The conspirators planned to come out in the summer of 1826, but the unexpected death of Alexander I changed their plans. Members of the Northern Society decided to take advantage of the interregnum situation that had developed due to the fact that Constantine, the brother of Alexander I, was supposed to inherit the throne. Only relatives knew about his abdication in favor of his brother Nicholas, because initially the state apparatus and the army swore allegiance to Constantine. When it became known about the refusal of Constantine from the throne, the swearing of the Senate to Nicholas was scheduled for December 14.

At a secret meeting on December 13, 1825, it was decided to withdraw troops to the square in front of the Senate in the morning and demand that the senators not swear allegiance to the emperor, adopt and publish the “Manifesto to the Russian People”, prepared by the Decembrists and containing their main requirements. S. Trubetskoy was appointed the leader of the uprising.

On December 14, 1825, at 11 o'clock in the morning, the Moscow Life Guards Regiment led by A. and M. Bestuzhev and D. Shchepin-Rostovsky came to Senate Square. In the afternoon, the sailors of the guards naval crew and a company of the Life Grenadier Regiment approached - about 3 thousand people in total. They were waiting for the leader, but Trubetskoy never came to the square. It also turned out that the senators had already sworn allegiance to Nicholas and dispersed. The rebels were in confusion, which Nicholas I took advantage of. General M. Miloradovich, a hero of the war of 1812, popular among the soldiers, appealed to those gathered on the square to disperse. Realizing the danger of his words, P. Kakhovsky mortally wounded the general. Units loyal to the government began shelling. The rebels tried to escape from artillery buckshot on the ice of the Neva. The uprising was put down. Arrests of members of the society began.

On December 29, 1825, members of the Southern Society S. Muravyov-Apostol and M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin raised a Chernigov regiment to revolt, but the uprising in the south was also suppressed.

579 people were involved in the investigation into the case of the Decembrists. Of these, 289 people were found to be involved in secret revolutionary societies, 131 people were found guilty.

Five people - P. Pestel, K. Ryleev, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, P. Kakhovsky - were executed. The rest were exiled to hard labor, sent to a settlement, exiled to serf labor, demoted to soldiers and transferred to the active army in the Caucasus.

The defeat of the Decembrists was the result of the inconsistency of their actions, stakes on a conspiracy, a military coup. But the main thing is that society was not ready for transformations.

Despite the defeat, the Decembrists went down in history. Novels are written about them, poems are dedicated to them, films are made. Historical meaning Decembrist movement in that they are the foremost representatives ruling class-the first to develop a program for the revolutionary reorganization of society and the first to try to put it into practice. The ideas of the Decembrists contributed to the formation of independent public opinion aimed at the elimination of autocracy and serfdom.

The reign of Nicholas I, which began brutal reprisal over the Decembrists, was marked by the triumph of reaction. The ideological justification for the reactionary policy of the autocracy, a kind of manifesto of the conservatives, was the theory of the official nationality of the Minister of Public Education, Count S. Uvarov. It was based on three principles: autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality. Autocracy was seen as the only true and possible form of government for Russia. Orthodoxy was declared the basis of the spiritual life of the Russian people, understood as the deep religiosity inherent in the Russian people and adherence to orthodox Christianity. Nationality was understood as the unity of the people with the king, the caring care of the king for his subjects and the absence of social upheavals in the country. Loyalty to the autocracy was declared a civic duty of everyone. An integral part of the theory of official nationality was the conclusion that fundamental changes in Russia were impossible and unnecessary.

Ideas about the beneficial influence of autocracy and serfdom on the situation in the country, protecting from social upheavals, unlike the "rotting West", were planted from church and university departments, in schools and army barracks, propagated through the press. Its active guides are journalists F. Bulgarin and N. Grech, professors of Moscow University M. Pogodin and S. Shevyrev. The government of Nicholas I tried to place the social thought of the country in the Procrustean bed of the theory of official nationality. However, it was not possible to drown out free thought in this way.

P. Chaadaev made a sharp criticism of the official ideology. The relative stability of the internal political situation in Russia was, in his opinion, evidence of dead stagnation, inertia of social forces. “Russia has nothing to be proud of before the West,” Chaadaev declared, “on the contrary, it has not made any contribution to world culture, it has remained uninvolved in the most important processes in the history of mankind.” The reason for this, Chaadaev believed, was the separation of Russia from Europe and especially the Orthodox worldview.

For this statement, Chaadaev was declared insane and placed under house arrest. But his ideas had a great influence on the further development of social thought.

Indirect evidence of the rejection of the official ideology was the disputes between Westerners and Slavophiles - representatives of various ideological movements among the liberals opposed to the government. The ideologists of the Slavophiles were K.S. and I.S. Aksakov, A.S. Khomyakov, Yu.F. Samarin, I.V. and P.V. Kireevsky and others. The Western direction was represented by P.V. Annenkov, V.P. Botkin, T.N. Granovsky, K. D. Kavelin and others.

The Westerners defended the idea of the common historical paths of development of Russia and Europe and believed that Russia should learn from the West, adopt all the best and advanced. They were supporters of a constitutional monarchy. The Slavophils, on the contrary, spoke of a special path of development for Russia, exaggerated its national identity. Of particular value to the Slavophiles were the Orthodox religion and the peasant community, which determined the basic principles of Russian life - the communal principle and the principle of consent (in contrast to Western individualism and rationalism). The Slavophils rejected both Nicholas Russia and the modern Western world. Their views were turned to the past - the Slavophiles idealized pre-Petrine Russia and believed that Peter I destroyed the harmonious way of Russian life with his reforms. The Slavophiles were supporters of autocracy, but advocated the revival of the practice of convening Zemsky Sobors, the introduction of civil liberties.

Despite the differences between the Westernizers and the Slavophiles, the representatives of these movements were united by the recognition of the need to abolish serfdom, the introduction of political freedoms - freedom of speech, conscience, etc., and the development of entrepreneurship. The historical merit of liberals is that by their discussions they prepared the ground - public opinion - for liberal reforms.

2. Revolutionary-democratic movement in the 40-80s of the XIX century. Populism. After the defeat of the Decembrist uprising, small circles became a characteristic form of the anti-government movement, whose members shared the ideology of the Decembrists and criticized the government. The secret organizations of the first half of the 1830s were mainly of an educational nature. Groups formed around N. Stankevich, V. Belinsky, A. Herzen and N. Ogarev, whose members studied the political works of domestic and foreign authors, promoted the latest Western philosophy. In the 1840s, the spread of socialist ideas (Petrashevists) began in Russia. Their further development in Russia is associated with the name of A. Herzen.

In the 1830s-1840s, A. Herzen was engaged in literary activity. His works contained a protest against violence and arbitrariness, the idea of individual freedom. In his youth, A. Herzen shared the ideas of Westerners, recognized the unity of the historical path of the West and Russia. In 1847 A. Herzen went abroad and witnessed the European revolutions of 1848-1849. A close acquaintance with the capitalist order convinced him that the experience of the West was not suitable for the Russian people. Socialism became the ideal social structure for A. Herzen. A. Herzen founded the "Free Russian Printing House" in London, together with N. Ogarev published the almanac "Polar Star" and the newspaper "The Bell". A. Herzen created the theory of "communal socialism", which formed the basis of the activities of the revolutionaries of the 1860-1870s. In the 1860s, the editors of Kolokol became one of the centers of the radical trend in Russia. A. Herzen promoted his theory of "communal socialism", exposed the predatory conditions for the liberation of the peasants.

Another center of the radical trend has developed around the editors of the Sovremennik magazine and its leading publicist N. Chernyshevsky. A supporter of socialism and democracy, he sharply criticized the government for the essence of the reform of 1861, saw the need for Russia to use the experience of the European model of development. On the basis of Chernyshevsky's ideas, several secret organizations were formed, whose members launched preparations for a people's revolution. In the journal "Land and Freedom", in the proclamations "Bow to the lord peasants from their well-wishers", "To the younger generation", etc., they explained to the people the tasks of the upcoming revolution, substantiated the need to eliminate the autocracy and the democratic transformation of Russia, a fair solution to the agrarian question.

At the turn of the 1860s and 1870s, largely on the basis of the ideas of Herzen and Chernyshevsky, a populist ideology took shape. Among the populists there were two trends: liberal and revolutionary. The ideas of the revolutionary Narodniks were that capitalism has no social roots in Russia; the future of the country is in communal socialism; the peasants are ready to accept socialist ideas; transformations must be carried out in a revolutionary way.

There are three trends in revolutionary populism itself: rebellious (leader M. Bakunin), propaganda (P. Lavrov), conspiratorial (P. Tkachev). M. Bakunin believed that the Russian peasant was a rebel by nature and was ready for a revolution. Bakunin saw the task of the intelligentsia in reaching out to the people and fomenting an all-Russian revolt.

P. Lavrov, on the contrary, believed that the people should be prepared for the revolution, and therefore he saw the task of the intelligentsia in going to the people and propagating socialism among the peasants.

P. Tkachev also believed that the people were not ready for the revolution. At the same time, he called the Russian people "a communist by instinct" who should not be taught socialism. In his opinion, a narrow group of conspirators (professional revolutionaries), having seized power, will quickly involve the people in a socialist reorganization (it was this option that was implemented by the Bolsheviks in October 1917).

In 1874, relying on the ideas of Bakunin, the populist revolutionaries organized a mass "going to the people" in order to raise the peasants to revolt. However, the peasants remained deaf to the calls of the revolutionaries. The movement was crushed.

In 1876, the surviving participants in the “going to the people” formed the secret organization “Land and Freedom”. Its program provided for the implementation of the socialist revolution by overthrowing the autocracy, the transfer of all land to the peasants and the introduction of "secular self-government" in cities and villages. The organization was headed by V. Plekhanov, A. Mikhailov, V. Figner, N. Morozov and others. Preparing to conduct a long agitation of the peasants, they settled in the villages. However, this time, too, the people remained deaf to the calls of the revolutionaries. (In this connection, remember the uprising of the Decembrists. Could they count on the support of the people in 1825?)

In 1878, part of the Narodniks returned to the idea of a terrorist struggle. Disputes over tactical and program issues led to a split in the organization. In 1879, on the basis of "Land and Freedom", "Black Repartition" (G. Plekhanov, L. Deutsch, P. Axelrod, V. Zasulich) and "Narodnaya Volya" (A. Zhelyabov, A. Mikhailov, S. Perovskaya , N. Morozov). The people of Chernoperedel remained faithful to the program principles and methods of the “Land and Freedom”, and the Narodnaya Volya, disappointed in the revolutionary potential of the peasants, headed for the preparation of a political coup and the overthrow of the autocracy, the establishment of a democratic system in the country, and the destruction of private property. They carried out a number of terrorist acts against the tsar and senior government officials, as a result of one of them, Alexander II was killed. However, the populists' expectations did not come true, which confirmed the ineffectiveness of terrorist methods of struggle and led to an intensification of the reaction in the country. In the 1880s-1890s, the influence of liberal populists, who denied violent methods of struggle, increased in the social movement.

3. Labor movement in Russia. Formation of the RSDLP. Russia's entry onto the path of capitalism was accompanied by the emergence of the labor question. The beginning of the labor movement in Russia dates back to the 1860s-1880s. During these years, it was characterized by spontaneity and disorganization. The workers could beat the hated master, break the windows in the administration building, break the machines. The struggle of the workers was of an economic nature - they demanded higher wages, shorter working hours, streamlining and abolition of fines. In May 1870, the first strikes took place at the Neva paper-spinning factory, in 1872 at the Krenholm manufactory in Narva. In the mid-1870s, the first workers' organizations arose - the "South Russian Workers' Union" (1875) and the "Northern Union of Russian Workers" (1878). The working environment put forward its leaders - S. Khalturin, P. Alekseev, Obnorsky, P. Moiseenko.

The most significant performance of the initial period of the labor movement is the strike at the Nikolskaya manufactory of the manufacturer T. Morozov in Orekhovo-Zuyevo in 1885 (“Morozov strike”). The workers stopped work in an organized manner, elected a group of delegates to negotiate with the administration, and demanded state intervention in their relations with the factory owners. An investigation into the causes of the strikes revealed the monstrous exploitation of the workers. The growth of the strike movement forced the government to develop labor legislation. In 1886, a law was passed on the procedure for hiring and firing, streamlining fines. Was banned night work teenagers and women.

In the 1880s, the spread of Marxism began in the country. Former members The Black Redistribution groups G. Plekhanov, V. Zasulich, L. Deutsch, and V. Ignatov turned to Marxism. In 1883 they formed the Emancipation of Labor group in Geneva. Members of the group translated the works of K. Marx and F. Engels into Russian, promoted Marxism in the Russian revolutionary environment, and sharply criticized the populist theory. In Russia itself, circles were formed to study Marxism and propagate it among workers, students, and petty employees (the circles of D. Blagoev, N. Fedoseev, M. Brusnev, and others). Both the Emancipation of Labor and the Russian Marxist circles were out of touch with the labor movement, but their activities paved the way for the emergence of the Social Democratic Party in Russia.

In 1895, scattered Marxist circles in St. Petersburg united in the "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class." V. Lenin, L. Martov and others played an active role in the "Union ..." Similar organizations were created in Moscow, Kyiv, Ivanovo-Voznesensk. These organizations marked the beginning of the union of the labor movement with Marxism (they published leaflets and propagated Marxist ideas among the proletariat).

The first social democratic parties began to emerge in the 1880s-1890s of the 19th century in the national regions of Russia: Finland, Poland, Armenia. In 1898, an attempt was made to create the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP). The 1st Congress of the RSDLP was held in Minsk, at which the creation of the party was announced. However, neither the party program nor the Charter was adopted. In addition, only 9 delegates attended the congress, 6 of them were arrested on their way home.

The publication of the Iskra newspaper (1900) on the initiative of G. Plekhanov, L. Martov, V. Lenin contributed to the real unification of disparate circles and organizations. In fact, the history of the RSDLP dates back to 1903, when the II Congress of the RSDLP was held, at which the program and the Charter of the party were adopted. The party program consisted of two parts: the minimum program and the maximum program. The minimum program provided for the solution of the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (the elimination of the autocracy, the introduction of an 8-hour working day and democratic freedoms). The maximum program is the implementation of the socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Already at the Second Congress, the party split into Bolsheviks (supporters of Lenin) and Mensheviks (supporters of Martov). The Bolsheviks sought to turn the party into a narrow organization of professional revolutionaries. The Mensheviks believed that Russia was not ready for a socialist revolution, opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat, and allowed the possibility of cooperation with all opposition forces. Despite the split, the party took a course to prepare for the revolution.

I. Socio-political development of Russia in the first half of the XIX century. Choosing the path of social development

1. Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century.

2. The movement of the Decembrists.

3. Social movements in Russia in the second quarter of the 19th century.

4. National liberation movements

II. Socio-political development of Russia in the second half of the XIX century.

1. Peasant movement

2. Liberal movement

3. Social movement

4. Polish uprising of 1863

5. Labor movement

6. The revolutionary movement in the 80s - early 90s.

Decembrist movement

The refusal of the government from the policy of reforms, the strengthening of the reaction caused the emergence of the first revolutionary movement in Russia, the basis of which was made up of progressively minded military men from the liberal strata of the nobility. One of the origins of the emergence of “freethinking in Russia” was Patriotic war .
In 1814-1815. the first secret officer organizations appear (“Union of Russian Knights”, “Sacred Artel”, “Semenovskaya Artel”). Their founders - M. F. Orlov, M. A. Dmitriev-Mamonov, A. and M. Muravyovs - considered it unacceptable to preserve the serfdom of peasants and soldiers who performed a civil feat during the Napoleonic invasion.

AT february 1816 G . in St. Petersburg, on the initiative of A. N. Muravyov, N. M. Muravyov, M. and S. Muravyov-Apostols, S. P. Trubetskoy and I. D. Yakushkin, Union salvation . This centralized conspiratorial organization included 30 patriotic young military men. A year later, the Union adopted a “statute” - a program and charter, after which the organization began to be called Society true and " faithful sons Fatherland . The goals of the struggle were declared to be the destruction of serfdom, "and the establishment of constitutional government. These demands were supposed to be presented at the time of the change of monarchs on the throne. M. S. Lunin and I. D. Yakushkin raised the question of the need for regicide, but N. Muravyov, I. G. Burtsov and others opposed violence, for propaganda as the only way to act.
Disputes about how to achieve the goal of the society necessitated the adoption of a new charter and program. In 1818, a special commission (S. P. Trubetskoy, N. Muravyov, P. P. Koloshin) developed a new charter, called the “Green Book” by the color of the binding. The first secret society was liquidated and created Union prosperity . Before the members of the Union, which could be not only the military, but also merchants, philistines, clergy and free peasants, the task was set for about 20 years to prepare public opinion for the need for change. The final goals of the Union - a political and social revolution - were not declared in the "Book", since it was intended for wide distribution.

The Welfare Union had about 200 members. It was led by the Root Council in St. Petersburg, the main councils (branches) were in Moscow and Tulchin (in Ukraine), there were councils in Poltava, Tambov, Kyiv, Chisinau, in the Nizhny Novgorod province. Educational societies of a semi-legal nature were formed around the Union. Officers - members of the society put the ideas of the "Green Book" into practice (the abolition of corporal punishment, training in schools, in the army).
However, dissatisfaction with educational activities in the context of growing peasant unrest, performances in the army, a number of military revolutions in Europe led to the radicalization of part of the Union. In January 1821, a congress of the Root Council met in Moscow. He declared the Welfare Union "dissolved" to facilitate the weeding out of "unreliable" members who opposed the conspiracy and violent measures. Immediately after the congress, almost simultaneously, secret Northern and Southern Societies arose, uniting supporters of an armed coup and preparing the uprising of 1825.
Southern society became the Southern Council of the Union of Welfare in Tulchin. Its chairman was P . And . Pestel(1793-1826). He was a man of great talents, received an excellent education, distinguished himself in the battles of Leipzig and Troyes. By 1820, Pestel was already a staunch supporter of the republican form of government. In 1824, the Southern Society adopted a policy document drawn up by him - “Russian Truth” , put forward the task of establishing a republican system in Russia. Russkaya Pravda proclaimed the dictatorship of the Provisional Supreme Rule for the entire duration of the revolution, which, as Pestel assumed, would last 10-15 years. According to Pestel's project, Russia was to become a single centralized state with a republican form of government. Legislative power belonged to the People's Council of 500 people, which was elected for a term of 5 years. The Sovereign Duma, which consisted of 5 members, became the body of executive power, elected at the veche. The supreme control body was the Supreme Council of 120 citizens elected for life. Class division was eliminated, all citizens were endowed with political rights. Serfdom was abolished. The land fund of each volost was divided into public (inalienable) and private half. From the first half, the liberated peasants and all citizens who wished to engage in agriculture received land. The second half consisted of state and private possessions and was subject to purchase and sale. The project proclaimed the sacred right of personal property, established freedom of occupation and religion for all citizens of the republic.
The southern society recognized an armed uprising in the capital as a necessary condition for success, and the conditions for membership in the society were changed accordingly: now only a military man could become a member, "a decision was made on the strictest discipline and secrecy.
After the liquidation of the Union of Welfare in St. Petersburg, a new secret society was immediately formed - Northern , the main core of which was N. M. Muravyov, NI. Turgenev, M. S. Lunin, S. P. Trubetskoy, E. P. Obolensky and I. I. Pushchin. In the future, the composition of the society expanded significantly. A number of its members departed from the republican decisions of the Indigenous Council and returned to the idea of a constitutional monarchy. The program of the Northern Society can be judged by constitutional project Nikita Muravyov , not accepted, however, as an official document of the society. Russia became a constitutional-monarchical state. Federative division of the country into 15 "powers" was introduced. Power was divided into legislative, executive and judicial. The supreme legislative body was the bicameral People's Council, elected for a period of 6 years on the basis of a high property qualification. Legislative power in each "power" was performed by a bicameral Sovereign Council, elected for 4 years. The emperor had executive power, he became the "supreme official". The supreme judicial body of the federation was the Supreme Court. The estate system was abolished, civil and political freedoms were proclaimed. Serfdom was abolished, in the latest version of the constitution, N. Muravyov provided for the allocation of land to the liberated peasants (2 acres per yard). The landed property was preserved.

However, a more radical trend, headed by K. F. Ryleev, was gaining more and more strength in Northern society. Fame brought him his literary activity: the satire on Arakcheev “To the temporary worker” (1820), “Dumas”, glorifying the fight against tyranny, was especially popular. He joined the society in 1823 and a year later he was elected its director. Ryleev adhered to republican views.
The most intense activity of the Decembrist organizations falls on 1824-1825: preparations were made for an open armed uprising, hard work was underway to harmonize the political platforms of the Northern and Southern societies. In 1824, it was decided to prepare and hold a unification congress by the beginning of 1826, and in the summer of 1826 to carry out a military coup. In the second half of 1825, the forces of the Decembrists increased: Society connected Slavs . It arose in 1818 as a secret political “Society of the First Consent”, in 1823 it was transformed into the Society of United Slavs, the purpose of the organization was to create a powerful republican democratic federation of Slavic peoples.

In May 1821, the emperor became aware of the Decembrists' conspiracy: to him reported on the plans and composition of the Welfare Union. But Alexander I limited himself to the words: “It’s not for me to execute them.”
Insurrection 14 December 1825 G . The sudden death of Alexander I in Taganrog, which followed 19 november 1825 d., changed the plans of the conspirators and forced them to speak ahead of schedule.

Tsarevich Konstantin was considered the heir to the throne. On November 27, the troops and the population were sworn in to Emperor Konstantin I. It was only on December 12, 1825 that Konstantin, who was in Warsaw, received an official announcement of his abdication. Immediately followed by a manifesto on the accession of Emperor Nicholas I and on 14 December In 1825, a “re-swearing” was appointed. The interregnum caused discontent among the people and in the army. The moment for the realization of the plans of secret societies was exceptionally favorable. In addition, the Decembrists became aware that the government had received denunciations about their activities, and on December 13, Pestel was arrested.
The plan for a coup d'état was adopted during meetings of members of the society at Ryleev's apartment in St. Petersburg. Decisive importance was attached to the success of the speech in the capital. At the same time, troops were to march in the south of the country, in the 2nd Army. One of the founders of the Union of Salvation, S. P . Trubetskoy , colonel of the guard, famous and popular among the soldiers. On the appointed day, it was decided to withdraw the troops to Senate Square, prevent the oath of the Senate and the State Council to Nikolai Pavlovich and, on their behalf, promulgate the “Manifesto to the Russian People”, proclaiming the abolition of serfdom, freedom of the press, conscience, occupation and movement, the introduction of universal military service instead of recruiting set. The government was declared deposed, and power passed to the Provisional Government until a decision was made by a representative Grand Council on the form of government in Russia. The royal family was to be arrested. The Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress were supposed to be captured with the help of troops, and Nicholas to be killed.
But the planned plan failed. A. Yakubovich, who was supposed to command the Guards naval crew and the Izmailovsky regiment during the capture of the Winter Palace and arrest the royal family, refused to complete this task for fear of becoming the culprit of regicide. The Moscow Life Guards Regiment appeared on Senate Square, later sailors of the Guards crew and Life Grenadiers joined it - about 3 thousand soldiers and 30 officers in total. While Nikolai I was gathering troops to the square, Governor-General M.A. Miloradovich appealed to the rebels to disperse and was mortally wounded by P.G. Kakhovsky. It soon became clear that Nikolai had already managed to swear in the members of the Senate and the State Council. It was necessary to change the plan of the uprising, but S.P. Trubetskoy, who was called to lead the actions of the rebels, did not appear on the square. In the evening, the Decembrists chose a new dictator - Prince E. P. Obolensky, but time was lost. Nicholas I, after several unsuccessful attacks by the cavalry, gave the order to shoot cannons with buckshot. 1271 people were killed, and most of the victims - more than 900 - were among the sympathizers and the curious who had gathered in the square.
29 December 1825 G . FROM . And . Muravyov-Apostol and M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin managed to raise the Chernigov regiment, which was stationed in the south, in the village of Trilesy. Government troops were sent against the rebels. 3 January 1826 G . The Chernigov regiment was defeated.

The 19th century in Russia is remarkable in that over a hundred years social thought has gone from a complete understanding of the divinity and infallibility of royal power to an equally complete understanding of the need for fundamental changes in the state system. From the first small groups of conspirators who did not quite clearly imagine the goals and ways to achieve them (Decembrists), to the creation of mass, well-organized parties with specific tasks and plans to achieve them (RSDLP). How did it happen?

Prerequisites

By the beginning of the 19th century, serfdom was the main irritant of social thought. Progressive-minded people of that time, starting with the landowners themselves and ending with members of the royal family, it became clear that serfdom must be urgently abolished. Of course, the bulk of the landowners did not want to change the status quo. In Russia, a new socio-political movement has appeared - this is the movement for the abolition of serfdom.

Thus, the foundations for the organizational design of conservatism and liberalism began to appear. Liberals were in favor of changes initiated by the authorities. The conservatives wanted to keep the status quo. Against the background of the struggle between these two trends, a separate part of society began to have thoughts about the revolutionary reorganization of Russia.

Social and political movements in Russia became more active after the campaign of the Russian army in Europe. Comparison of European realities with life at home was clearly not in favor of Russia. The revolutionary-minded officers who returned from Paris were the first to act.

Decembrists

Already in 1816 in St. Petersburg, these officers formed the first socio-political movement. It was the "Union of Salvation" of 30 people. They clearly saw the goal (the elimination of serfdom and the introduction of a constitutional monarchy) and had no idea at all how this could be achieved. The consequence of this was the collapse of the "Union of Salvation" and the creation in 1818 of a new "Union of Welfare", which already included 200 people.

But due to different views on the future fate of the autocracy, this union lasted only three years and in January 1821 dissolved itself. Its former members in 1821-1822 organized two societies: "Southern" in Little Russia and "Northern" in St. Petersburg. It was their joint performance on Senate Square on December 14, 1825 that later became known as the Decembrist uprising.

Finding ways

The next 10 years in Russia were marked by the harsh reactionary regime of Nicholas I, who sought to suppress any dissent. There was no talk of creating any serious movements and unions. Everything remained at the level of circles. Around the publishers of magazines, metropolitan salons, at universities, among officers and officials, groups of like-minded people gathered to discuss the common sore point for everyone: “What to do?”. But the circles were also quite severely persecuted, which led to the extinction of their activities already in 1835.

Nevertheless, during this period, three main socio-political movements were clearly defined in their attitude towards the regime existing in Russia. These are conservatives, liberals and revolutionaries. The liberals, in turn, were divided into Slavophiles and Westerners. The latter believed that Russia needed to catch up with Europe in its development. Slavophiles, on the contrary, idealized pre-Petrine Russia and called for a return to the state system of those times.

Abolition of serfdom

By the 1940s, hopes for reforms from the government began to fade. This caused the activation of revolutionary-minded sections of society. Ideas of socialism began to penetrate into Russia from Europe. But the followers of these ideas were arrested, tried and sent into exile and hard labor. By the mid-1950s, there was no one to lead not only active actions, but simply talk about the reorganization of Russia. Most Active public figures lived in exile or served hard labor. Who had time - emigrated to Europe.

But the socio-political movements in Russia in the first half of the 19th century still played their role. Alexander II, who ascended the throne in 1856, from the first days spoke about the need to abolish serfdom, took concrete steps to legalize it, and in 1861 signed the historic Manifesto.

Activation of the revolutionaries

However, the half-heartedness of the reforms, which did not justify the expectations of not only the peasants, but also the Russian public in general, caused a new surge of revolutionary sentiment. Proclamations from various authors began to circulate in the country, of the most diverse nature: from moderate appeals to the authorities and society about the need for deeper reforms, to calls for the overthrow of the monarchy and revolutionary dictatorship.

The second half of the 19th century in Russia was marked by the formation of revolutionary organizations that had not only a goal, but also developed plans for their implementation, albeit not always real ones. The first such organization was in 1861 the Union "Land and Freedom". The organization planned to implement its reforms with the help of a peasant uprising. But when it became clear that there would be no revolution, Land and Freedom self-liquidated in early 1864.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the so-called populism developed. Representatives of the intelligentsia that was emerging in Russia believed that in order to accelerate change, it was necessary to appeal directly to the people. But among them, too, there was no unity. Some believed that it was necessary to confine ourselves to enlightening the people and explaining the need for change, and only then talk about the revolution. Others called for the elimination of the centralized state and the anarchic federalization of peasant communities as the basis of the country's social structure. Still others planned to seize power by a well-organized party through a conspiracy. But the peasants did not follow them, and the revolt did not happen.

Then, in 1876, the populists created the first truly large, well-hidden revolutionary organization called "Land and Freedom". But here, too, internal disagreements led to a split. Supporters of terrorism organized the "People's Will", and those who expected to achieve change through propaganda gathered in the "Black Redistribution". But even these socio-political movements did not achieve anything.

In 1881, the Narodnaya Volya assassinated Alexander II. However, the revolutionary explosion they expected did not happen. Neither the peasants nor the workers raised an uprising. Moreover, most of the conspirators were arrested and executed. And after the assassination attempt on Alexander III in 1887, Narodnaya Volya was finally defeated.

Most Active

During these years, the ideas of Marxism began to penetrate into Russia. In 1883, the organization "Emancipation of Labor" was formed in Switzerland under the leadership of G. Plekhanov, who justified the inability of the peasantry to change through the revolution and pinned hope on the working class. Basically, the socio-political movements of the 19th century by the end of the century in Russia were strongly influenced by the ideas of Marx. Propaganda was carried out among the workers, they were called to strikes and strikes. In 1895, V. Lenin and Yu. Martov organized the "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class", which became the basis for further development various currents of the social-democratic trend in Russia.

The liberal opposition, meanwhile, continued to advocate the peaceful implementation of reforms "from above", trying to prevent a revolutionary solution to the problems facing Russian society. Thus, the active role of socio-political movements of a Marxist orientation had a decisive influence on the fate of Russia in the 20th century.

The disintegration of the feudal-serf system in Russia, the emergence and development of capitalist relations, the struggle of the masses against arbitrariness and despotism gave rise to the Decembrist movement.

This movement took shape on the basis of Russian reality, it objectively reflected and defended the interests of the emerging bourgeois society. In the conditions of the emerging crisis of the feudal-serf system, the Decembrists consciously advocated the abolition of serfdom with weapons in their hands. The tasks that they tried to solve met the interests of the majority of the masses, the progressive movement of the country.

Objectively, the Decembrists opposed feudal ownership of land. Fighting against serfdom, against the feudal exploitation of the peasants, the landowner's right to own the labor of serfs, they spoke in favor of transferring part of the land to the former serfs. The implementation of the Decembrists' project meant the transformation of the land into bourgeois property, therefore, all their activities were aimed at destroying the old system.

The Decembrist movement was entirely connected with the development of the liberation movement throughout the world in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Fighting against serfdom and autocracy, inflicting revolutionary blows on feudal property, they thereby undermined the entire feudal-serf system.

The Decembrist movement belongs to the period when all the advanced forces of mankind sought to solve the main historical task - the destruction of the already obsolete feudal-serf system of the national economy, to give scope to the productive forces of society, the progressive revolutionary development of society. Thus, the Decembrist movement fit into the framework of a single revolutionary process at the beginning of the 19th century, which began with a revolution in the USA and France at the end of the 18th century.

The Decembrist movement stands on the shoulders of progressive social thought in Russia. It was well acquainted with the views of Fonvizin, Radishchev and many other reformation ideologists.

The Decembrists believed that the people were the source of supreme power in Russia, that they could achieve liberation by raising an uprising against the autocracy. The political consciousness of the Decembrists began to awaken in the first decades of the 19th century. The Great French Revolution of the late 18th century, revolutions in Europe and the Patriotic War of 1812 had a certain influence on the formation of their worldview. It was the war, with all its depth, that raised the question of the fate of the Motherland before the Decembrists. “We were children of 12,” said D. Muravyov (one of the Decembrists).

The first secret society arose in 1816, which was called the Union of Salvation or the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland. Then came the "Northern" and "Southern" societies, the "Union of Prosperity" and, finally, the "Society of United Slavs."

Already in the first secret society the purpose of the movement was determined. The introduction of the constitution and the abolition of serfdom are the conclusions that served as the basis for the further development of the views of the Decembrists. The Union of Welfare brought to the fore the task of shaping public opinion, on the basis of which they expected to carry out a coup d'état. In order for advanced public opinion to put pressure on the ruling circles, to capture the minds of the country's leading figures, the members of the Welfare Union took part in many charitable societies, created councils, Lancaster schools, literary societies, conducted a wide propaganda of views, created literary almanacs, defended unfairly convicted, serfs were redeemed - talented nuggets.

At one of the meetings of the Union of Welfare, Pestel spoke, proving all the benefits and advantages of the republican system. Pestel's views were supported.

The ideological political struggle between the moderate and radical wings of the Union of Welfare, the desire to launch an active struggle against the autocracy forced the leadership of the Union to dissolve in 1821. him in order to free himself from moderate hesitant and casual fellow travelers and create a renewed, highly conspiratorial organization.

After 1821-22. there are two new organizations of the Decembrists - the "Northern" and "Southern" societies (These societies prepared an armed uprising on December 14, 1825). The “Northern” society was headed by Muravyov and Ryleev, and the “South” society was headed by Pestel.

Members of the society prepared and discussed two progressive documents: Pestel's "Russian Truth" and Muravyov's "Constitution". The most radical views were distinguished by Russkaya Pravda, which proclaimed the abolition of serfdom, the complete equality of all citizens before the law, Russia was proclaimed a republic, a single and indivisible state, corresponding to the federal structure of the state. The population had the same rights and benefits, equal obligations to bear all burdens. The Russkaya Pravda said that the possession of other people as one's own property, without prior consent, is a shameful thing, contrary to the essence of mankind, the laws of nature, the laws of Christianity. Therefore, the right of one person to manage another cannot exist in Russia anymore.

According to the provisions of Russkaya Pravda, when solving the agrarian issue, Pestel proceeded from the fact that land is a public property, that every citizen of Russia has the right to receive a land allotment. However, private ownership of land was recognized. Pestel did not want to destroy landownership, it should be limited.

"Russkaya Pravda" determined that the supreme legislative power should belong to the people's veche, which was elected in the amount of 500 people for 5 years. Executive power was exercised by the Sovereign Duma, elected by the people's council for 5 years, consisting of 5 people. Every year, 20% of the members of the People's Council and the State Duma were re-elected. The Chairman of the State Duma was the President of the country. The president was elected from among the members of the people's council, provided that the candidate for the presidency was in the people's council for 5 years. External control of power was to be carried out by the Supreme Council, which consisted of 120 people. Local legislative power was to be exercised by district, county and volost local assemblies, and executive power - by district, county and volost boards. Local bodies were to be headed by elected posadniks, volost assemblies - by the volost producer, elected for one year.

The “Constitution” of Russia developed by Muravyov proposed the elimination of autocracy and the class division of the population, proclaimed the universal equality of citizens, the inviolability of personal property and property, freedom of speech, press, assembly, religion, movement and choice of profession. Muraviev's “Constitution” also proclaimed the abolition of serfdom. The peasants were endowed with land, and the peasants received 2 acres of land per yard. The land owned by the peasant before the introduction of the "Constitution" was automatically attributed to his personal property.

The conservatism of the "Constitution" was manifested in the issue of citizenship. A citizen of Russia could be one who was at least 21 years old, who had a permanent place of residence, possessed immovable property in the amount of at least 500 rubles or movable property in the amount of at least 1000 rubles, who paid taxes regularly and was not in anyone's home. service. The citizen had the right to vote. This property qualification deprived most of the population of the opportunity to participate in the political activities of the country.

Russia is a federal state, consisting of 13 powers and two regions. The powers were divided into districts.

The supreme legislative body of the state was a bicameral people's council, consisting of the Supreme Duma and the House of People's Representatives (lower house). 40 deputies were elected to the Supreme Duma. 450 deputies were elected to the House of People's Representatives, one person from 500,000 representatives of the male population of the country. Deputies were elected for 6 years. Every two years, 1/3 of the House is re-elected. Locally, the sovereign veche, elected for 2 years, was the legislative body. The highest executive power in the country belonged, according to the "Constitution", to the emperor, who was the supreme commander in chief, he appointed ambassadors, supreme judges and ministers. The salary of the emperor was determined in the amount of 8,000,000 rubles annually. The executive power in the State was exercised by the sovereign ruler, the governor, elected for 3 years by the people's council. The judicial bodies were the Sovereign and Supreme Courts. The judges were chosen and did not change.

In Russia, universal military service was introduced.

After the failed uprising of the Decembrists on December 14, 1825, members of the "Northern" and "South" societies were arrested and tried, five of whom were executed, and the rest were sent to hard labor.

But the cause of the Decembrists was not in vain, the Decembrists gave rise to a new galaxy of revolutionaries.

After the Decembrist uprising, the government responded with years of reaction. But even in these years, underground revolutionary organizations, circles arose, a liberal-bourgeois trend arose, which received the names of Slavophiles and Westerners. The Slavophils believed that it was necessary to rely on the people in achieving goals, and the Westerners - it was necessary to use the best practices of European states. In the 1940s, an organization appeared in Russia headed by Petrashevsky. They were the first to raise the question of the possibility of the existence of socialism in Russia.