Gorchakov, Prince Alexander Mikhailovich. Prince Gorchakov: the great chancellor of the empire, the last lyceum student

Prince, His Serene Highness Prince (1871), Russian statesman and diplomat, Chancellor of Foreign Affairs (1867), honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1856).

From the Gorchakov family. He graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum (1817; studied with A. S. Pushkin, subsequently maintained friendly relations with him). Since 1817, he was in the diplomatic service (I. Kapodistria was Gorchakov's mentor at the Foreign Ministry). As an attaché, he was in the retinue of Emperor Alexander I at the Troppau (1820), Laibach (1821) and Verona (1822) congresses of the Holy Alliance. 1st Secretary of the Embassy in London (1822-1827) and the Mission in Rome (1827-1828). Chargé d'Affaires in Florence and Lucca (1828/29-1832). Counselor of the Embassy in Vienna (1833-1838). He spoke out against Russia's orientation towards an alliance with Austria, disagreed on this issue with the Minister of Foreign Affairs K. V. Nesselrode; resigned. Since 1839, again in the diplomatic service. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary in Württemberg (1841-1854) and concurrently in the German Confederation 1815-1866 (1850-1854).

Envoy at Large (1854-1855) and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary in Vienna (1855-1856). Achieved the neutrality of Austria in . Given the anti-Russian position of Austria, he insisted on accepting all the preconditions for peace (see the article Vienna Conferences of 1854-1855), presented to him in July 1854 on behalf of the Allied Powers by Austrian Foreign Minister K. F. Buol.

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia. Russia's defeat in the Crimean War prompted Gorchakov to reconsider the aims and methods of Russian foreign policy. They were substantiated by him in a report to Emperor Alexander II, and then set out in a circular sent to the heads of Russian diplomatic missions on 21.08 (02.09.), 1856. In it, Gorchakov expressed the intention of the Russian government to temporarily abandon active interference in international relationships in order to "devote one's concerns to the well-being of the subjects" (the phrases from the circular became widely known: "They say that Russia is angry. Russia is not angry. Russia is concentrating"). Gorchakov also stressed the need to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy in the future. Gorchakov considered the most important direction of Russian foreign policy to be the struggle for the abolition of the conditions of the Paris Peace of 1856, which provided for the so-called neutralization of the Black Sea - the prohibition of Russia and the Ottoman Empire to have Navy and fortifications along the coast. To do this, he initiated the process of rapprochement between Russia and France [on February 19 (03.03). , as the French emperor Napoleon III began to insist on an international discussion of the status of Poland during .

The conclusion of the 1863 convention between Russia and Prussia of Alvensleben, which provided for cooperation between the two countries in suppressing the uprising, as well as the growth of Prussia's international influence in the 1860s, prompted Gorchakov to seek rapprochement with Berlin. Gorchakov took a position of benevolent neutrality with respect to Prussia at the time. Taking advantage of the weakening of France during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 and Prussia's interest in Russia's neutrality, Gorchakov declared that Russia did not consider itself bound by decrees that limited its sovereign rights in the Black Sea [Gorchakov's circular dated 19(31).10.1870 representatives of Russia at the courts of the powers that signed the Peace of Paris in 1856]. At the London Conference of 1871 (see the article London Straits Conventions of 1840, 1841, 1871), Gorchakov's demands were recognized by the European powers and the Ottoman Empire. Gorchakov contributed to the creation of the "Union of Three Emperors" (1873). At the same time, he believed that in order to maintain a balance of power in Europe, France must again take "its rightful place in Europe."

In an effort to avoid complicating relations between Russia and Great Britain, Gorchakov opposed offensive actions in Central Asia, on this issue, he disagreed with the Minister of War D. A. Milyutin. Under the leadership of Gorchakov, a number of agreements were concluded with China (the Argun Treaty of 1858, the Tianjin Treaty of 1858), which secured the Amur Region and the Ussuri Territory for Russia. Signed a compromise Treaty of St. Petersburg in 1875 with Japan, according to which Russia in exchange for Kurile Islands the island of Sakhalin was annexed (since 1855 it was jointly owned by both countries). During the American Civil War of 1861-1865, at the initiative of Gorchakov, Russia took a benevolent position towards the government of President A. Lincoln. Gorchakov ensured the conclusion of the Washington Treaty of 1867, according to which the territory of Russian America was sold to the United States.

He supported the aspirations of the Balkan peoples for independence from Ottoman Empire, at the same time, during the Balkan crisis of the 1870s, he opposed the armed intervention of Russia in the conflict (changed his position at the end of 1876), sought to resolve the crisis by diplomatic measures. He concluded a number of agreements with Austria-Hungary, according to which Russia recognized its territorial claims in the western part of the Balkans in exchange for the neutrality of Austria-Hungary in the event of a Russo-Turkish war. After the signing of the Peace of San Stefano in 1878, Gorchakov, fearing the formation of a broad anti-Russian coalition, agreed to submit to an international congress a discussion of the terms of the concluded peace. At the Berlin Congress of 1878, he was forced to sign the Berlin Treaty of 1878.

In 1879, due to illness, Gorchakov actually withdrew from the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

During his diplomatic service, Gorchakov gained the confidence of the Prussian kings Friedrich Wilhelm IV and Wilhelm I of Hohenzollern, as well as many small Italian and German rulers; was on friendly terms with major statesmen: in France - with A. Thiers, in Great Britain - with W. Yu. Gladstone, in Prussia (Germany) - with O. von Bismarck. Gorchakov's arsenal of diplomatic means was in demand by Russian diplomats at the end of the 19th-20th centuries.

He was awarded the orders of St. Alexander Nevsky (1855), St. Vladimir 1st degree (1857), St. Andrew the First-Called (1858), etc., as well as the Order of the Legion of Honor 1st degree (1857).

Alexander Gorchakov was born on June 15, 1798 in the Estonian city of Gapsala in the family of Major General Prince Mikhail Gorchakov and Baroness Elena Dorothea Ferzen.

“Gorchakov came from an aristocratic family, if not from a very rich one, and this largely determined his future life,” the candidate said in an interview with RT historical sciences, Associate Professor, Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov Oleg Airapetov.

The young prince was educated at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he studied.

However, historians note that, contrary to some stories, Gorchakov was not a close friend of Pushkin.

According to contemporaries, Gorchakov, who was very capable in various fields of knowledge, nevertheless envied Pushkin's literary talent and, at any opportunity, tried to emphasize his noble origin in the presence of the poet.

“Nevertheless, when Pushkin was sent into exile, Gorchakov was not afraid to visit him in 1825. For a young official, this is a worthy deed. Although their relationship then was still cool, ”Ayrapetov noted.

A.S. Pushkin. Portrait of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov (1798-1883), future Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire and Chancellor

Despite this, the poet dedicated several well-known poems to his lyceum friend, calling him "lucky from the first days" and "pet of fashion, big light friend." Interestingly, of the entire “Pushkin” issue, the most long life it was Gorchakov who lived. It so happened that these lines of the great poet were also addressed to him:

“Which of us, in old age, is the day of the Lyceum
Will you have to celebrate alone?
Unfortunate friend! among new generations
Annoying guest and superfluous, and a stranger,
He will remember us and the days of connections,
Closing your eyes with a trembling hand ... "

"Hard Back"

In 1819, Gorchakov entered the service with the rank of chamber junker. As his educators said, he was destined to realize himself precisely as a diplomat. In the early 1820s, he was an official under the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Count Karl Nesselrod. Subsequently, Gorchakov served as secretary of the embassies in London and Rome, and also served in various diplomatic posts in Berlin, Florence and Vienna.

“Gorchakov was distinguished by a special feature, which, unfortunately, was not characteristic of many other officials, both in his era and in other times. He was a man with a hard back, not inclined to bend in front of anyone, ”Ayrapetov noted in an interview with RT.

The young diplomat did not curry favor with Nesselrode, and when, during a visit to Vienna, Count Alexander Benckendorff, chief of the gendarmes and one of the statesmen closest to Nicholas I, demanded that Gorchakov serve him lunch, he defiantly rang the bell and noted that on such issues accepted to address the servants. However, such "obstinacy" brought a lot of trouble to the promising diplomat.

In 1838, Gorchakov proposed to the niece of his boss Dmitry Tatishchev, Maria, the widow of Ivan Musin-Pushkin and one of the first beauties of Russia. However, Tatishchev, who was looking for a more profitable party for his relative, was set against Gorchakov by the Austrian Foreign Minister Prince Metternich, who did not like the young diplomat for his intransigence and emphasized “Russianness”. Therefore, in order to get married, Gorchakov defiantly submitted his resignation. And Nesselrode accepted it without question.

MM. Duffinger. Maria Alexandrovna Musina-Pushkina (fragment of a miniature)

After the wedding, Gorchakov decided to return to the service, but it was not easy. He was never approved as an envoy to the Ottoman Empire, despite the help of his sister Sophia Radziwill and father-in-law Alexander Urusov, president of the Moscow Palace Office.

“Because of his character, Gorchakov was locked up for more than a decade in relatively insignificant positions of envoy in the principalities of the German Union,” Airapetov said.

Career takeoff

In 1854, during the Crimean War, Gorchakov acted as Russia's envoy to Vienna. A year later, he was officially approved for this post.

“It was a very responsible place, and Gorchakov showed himself worthy in it,” Airapetov noted.

Austria, despite the help that Russia provided to it during the revolution of 1848, supported the actions of England and France in the Crimean War. And Gorchakov made every effort to ensure that Vienna did not take new anti-Russian steps. After the death of Nicholas I, Russian diplomats even achieved the transition of Austria to a policy of neutrality.

“Gorchakov did not go to the Paris Congress, which resulted in the adoption of enslaving conditions for Russia on the demilitarization of the Black Sea and the exclusion of lands in Bessarabia. The diplomats of the outgoing era of Nicholas I were supposed to turn this page. Gorchakov, with whom the future of Russian foreign policy was associated, had nothing to do there, ”the expert emphasized.

Fragment of the panorama "Defense of Sevastopol"

After the end of the Crimean War, Count Nesselrode resigned, and Gorchakov, who had proven himself in Vienna, became his successor as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

“Although Gorchakov is often contrasted with Nesselrode in historiography, this is not entirely true. They were both, as diplomats should be, "men of nuances." The program tasks that Gorchakov set for the Foreign Ministry largely duplicated what Nesselrode planned to do. He then needed not to worsen relations with Austria, improve relations with Prussia and improve relations with France, ”Ayrapetov said.

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Gorchakov needed to change the conditions of the political combination that had developed at any cost. This period of his activity includes the famous statement that Russian diplomacy plans to regain control over the Black Sea and Bessarabia without money and without shedding a single drop of Russian blood, as well as the words: "Russia is not angry, Russia is concentrating."

True, historians admit that at first Gorchakov made a mistake, believing that the French Emperor Napoleon III would support Russia. However, he made only vague promises, solving primarily his own foreign policy problems. During the Polish uprising of 1863, France, together with Great Britain and Austria, once again took a tough anti-Russian position. Prussia became the only European power that took the side of St. Petersburg.

After the Austro-Prussian-Italian War, which led to the strengthening of Prussia, her relations with France deteriorated sharply. For the French, united Germany was a danger, and a new war was almost inevitable. Russia in this confrontation made a bet on Prussia, although domestic diplomats did not rule out that Paris and Vienna would prevail, and then they would oppose the Russians. However, the loser was France.

“Alexander II and Gorchakov decided that both victorious Germany and defeated France no longer care about the demilitarization of the Black Sea, and England herself will not decide on active actions. And Russia announced that it would no longer comply with the requirements of the Paris Congress, ”Leonid Lyashenko, candidate of historical sciences, professor at the Department of Russian History at Moscow State Pedagogical University, told RT.

Gorchakov kept his promise. Russia really canceled the effect of the decisions of the Paris Congress bloodlessly and at no cost. According to Oleg Airapetov, this was "the peak of Minister Gorchakov's career."

For his achievements, the diplomat was awarded the title of lordship, as well as the highest civil rank Russian Empire - chancellor.

In 1872, Gorchakov consolidated his success in Russian-German relations by becoming one of the initiators of the union of Russia, Germany and Austria.

Historians note that some narcissism and a tendency to narcissism, which were characteristic of Alexander Gorchakov, only progressed with age, which sometimes greatly annoyed those around him.

“In Russian historiography, they tend to idealize Gorchakov. But it was not an ideal, but a living person with his own strengths and weaknesses. Of course, very bright,” Airapetov said.

"The Blackest Day"

According to the expert, Gorchakov was a very cautious person.

“After the Crimean War, he was very afraid of creating a new anti-Russian military alliance and therefore kept the tsar from active politics in the Balkans and Central Asia,” Airapetov said.

And yet, in 1877, the Russian authorities, under the influence of the military, declared war on Turkey, which turned out to be very successful for St. Petersburg. And in 1878, a favorable one for Russia was concluded. However, the Europeans were not satisfied with his conditions, and they initiated the Berlin Congress.

“In those days, the elderly Gorchakov felt very bad, he could not even stand on his feet, he was carried in an armchair. Communicating with the representative of Britain, he mistakenly immediately showed him the maps, where the maximum concessions that St. Petersburg was ready for were marked. And the British diplomat immediately told all the participants of the congress about it. As a result, the negotiations ended according to the worst scenario for Russia and its supporters. Gorchakov later told Alexander II that this was the blackest day of his life. Alexander II replied to this that in his too, ”Lyashenko said in an interview with RT.

Congress of Berlin July 13, 1878

After the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov actually retired, spent a lot of time on treatment abroad. In March 1882, he officially resigned as minister, and on April 9 of the same year he died in Baden-Baden. Gorchakov was buried in St. Petersburg. After his death, the rank of chancellor was no longer assigned to anyone.

According to Lyashenko, Gorchakov became one of the first statesmen in the history of the Russian Empire who thought in terms of national interests.

“However, he made the mistake of many of our other outstanding compatriots - he failed to leave in time,” the expert concluded.

As Minister of Foreign Affairs, he managed to keep the Russian Empire away from acute European conflicts.

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov is one of the best diplomats in the history of Russia. As Minister of Foreign Affairs, he managed to keep the Russian Empire away from acute European conflicts and return his state to its former position as a great world power.
Rurikovich

The liberal lyceum atmosphere instilled valuable qualities in the future diplomat, which later affected his domestic and foreign policy convictions. Even at the Lyceum, he advocated the introduction and expansion of civil rights and freedoms and the restriction of serfdom. Already at the Lyceum, Gorchakov knew what he wanted and confidently aimed for the diplomatic service. He was well educated, distinguished by excellent knowledge of several languages, wit and breadth of outlook. In addition, young Gorchakov was extremely ambitious. He recalled his young self with irony and claimed that he was so ambitious that he carried poison in his pocket if he was passed over.

Fortunately, Alexander did not have to use poison, he decisively began his career. Already at the age of twenty-one, he was with Count Nesselrod at congresses in Tropau, Ljubljana and Verona. Gorchakov's career developed rapidly. By that time, he hardly remembered the poison in his pocket.

After the Crimean War

The main achievements of Gorchakov in the diplomatic service are associated with his work on settling international politics after the Crimean War, the defeat of Russia in which put the country in a disadvantageous and even dependent position.
The international situation in Europe changed after the war. The Holy Alliance, in which Russia played a leading role, collapsed, and the country found itself in diplomatic isolation. Under the terms of the Peace of Paris, the Russian Empire practically lost the Black Sea, lost the opportunity to deploy a fleet there. According to the article "on the neutralization of the Black Sea", the southern borders of Russia remained bare.

Gorchakov urgently needed to change the situation and take decisive steps to change the place of Russia. He understood that the main task of his activities after the Crimean War should be to change the conditions of the Paris Peace, especially in the matter of neutralizing the Black Sea. The Russian Empire was still under threat. Gorchakov needed to look for a new ally. Prussia, gaining influence in Europe, became such an ally.
Gorchakov decides to make a "knight's move" and writes a circular in which he unilaterally breaks the Treaty of the Paris Peace. He bases his decision on the fact that the rest of the countries do not comply with the terms of the previous agreements. Prussia supported the Russian Empire, she already had enough weight to influence the international situation. France and England were, of course, unhappy with this, but during the London Conference of 1871, the "neutrality of the Black Sea" was abolished. The sovereign right of Russia to build and maintain a military fleet here was confirmed. Russia rose again from its knees.

Great power neutrality

He was able to keep Russia out of sharp conflicts, protecting it from military involvement in European problems, for more than twenty years.
Meanwhile, Europe was rocked by endless conflicts: the Austro-Franco-Sardinian War (1859), the Austrian-Prussian War against Denmark (1865), the Austro-Prussian War (1866), the Austro-Italian War (1866), the Franco-Prussian War (1870). –1871).

Resolution of the Polish crisis

The climax of the diplomatic battle came on June 5, 1863, when English, French and Austrian dispatches were handed over to Gorchakov. Russia was asked to declare an amnesty for the rebels, restore the constitution of 1815 and transfer power to an independent Polish administration. The future status of Poland was to be discussed by a European conference.
On July 1, Gorchakov sent dispatches in response: Russia denied the legitimacy of the third-party suggestions to the three powers and vigorously protested against interference in its own internal affairs. The right to consider the Polish question was recognized only for the participants in the divisions of Poland - Russia, Prussia and Austria. Thanks to the efforts of Gorchakov, another anti-Russian coalition did not take shape.

He managed to play on the Anglo-French contradictions around the Vienna Convention of 1815, and on the fear of Austria to get into a new war. Poland and France were left alone. Overcoming the Polish crisis by means of classical as well as public diplomacy is considered to be the pinnacle of political career Gorchakov.

Finding a new ally

Against the backdrop of the betrayal of Austria and the unfriendly neutrality of Prussia during the Crimean War, as well as international isolation as a result of the conflict, the Russian Empire had an urgent need to find a new ally. It turned out to be the United States, one of the main enemies of England, which at that time was engulfed in the Civil War between North and South.
In 1863, Alexander II authorized a very risky action - a covert passage of two squadrons of the Russian fleet to the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States, thereby demonstrating the support of the North. For the fragile American statehood, the certainty of Russia's position turned out to be very useful. As conceived by the organizers of the campaign, the expedition was designed to show the whole world Russia's self-confidence, despite the threats that sounded against her in connection with the Polish events. It was the real challenge.

Nevertheless, this bold step, at that time, presented Russia with a new promising ally, to whom, subsequently, Alaska would be sold at the initiative of Gorchakov. Today, this political move seems unjustified, but in the second half of the 19th century it made it possible to complete Alexander's reform reforms and restore the country's economy.

Rurikovich

Alexander Gorchakov was born into an old noble family descended from the Yaroslavl Rurik princes. Having received a good education at home, he brilliantly passed the exam and was admitted to the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. It was the first set of an educational institution, in which the most prominent people of their time ended up in the future. One of Gorchakov's friends in the Lyceum was Pushkin, who wrote about his comrade "a pet of fashion, a friend of great society, a brilliant observer of customs." For his excessive zeal and ambition, Sasha Gorchakov received the nickname "dandy" at the Lyceum. The liberal lyceum atmosphere instilled valuable qualities in the future diplomat, which later affected his domestic and foreign policy convictions. Even at the Lyceum, he advocated the introduction and expansion of civil rights and freedoms and the restriction of serfdom.

Already at the Lyceum, Gorchakov knew what he wanted and confidently aimed for the diplomatic service. He was well educated, distinguished by excellent knowledge of several languages, wit and breadth of outlook. In addition, young Gorchakov was extremely ambitious. He recalled his young self with irony and claimed that he was so ambitious that he carried poison in his pocket if he was passed over. Fortunately, Alexander did not have to use poison, he decisively began his career. Already at the age of twenty-one, he was with Count Nesselrod at congresses in Tropau, Ljubljana and Verona. Gorchakov's career developed rapidly. By that time, he hardly remembered the poison in his pocket.

After the Crimean War

Gorchakov's main achievements in the diplomatic service are connected with his work on settling international politics after the Crimean War, the defeat of Russia in which put the country in a disadvantageous and even dependent position. The international situation in Europe changed after the war. The Holy Alliance, in which Russia played a leading role, collapsed, and the country found itself in diplomatic isolation. Under the terms of the Peace of Paris, the Russian Empire practically lost the Black Sea, lost the opportunity to deploy a fleet there. According to the article "on the neutralization of the Black Sea", the southern borders of Russia remained bare.

Gorchakov urgently needed to change the situation and take decisive steps to change the place of Russia. He understood that the main task of his activities after the Crimean War should be to change the conditions of the Paris Peace, especially in the matter of neutralizing the Black Sea. The Russian Empire was still under threat. Gorchakov needed to look for a new ally. Prussia, gaining influence in Europe, became such an ally. Gorchakov decides to make a "knight's move" and writes a circular in which he unilaterally breaks the Treaty of the Paris Peace. He bases his decision on the fact that the rest of the countries do not comply with the terms of the previous agreements. Prussia supported the Russian Empire, she already had enough weight to influence the international situation. France and England were, of course, unhappy with this, but during the London Conference of 1871, the "neutrality of the Black Sea" was abolished. The sovereign right of Russia to build and maintain a military fleet here was confirmed. Russia rose again from its knees.

Great power neutrality

The policy of neutrality became the credo of Gorchakov's foreign policy. He himself repeated more than once: "There are no such divergent interests that could not be reconciled by zealously and persistently working on this matter in the spirit of justice and moderation." He managed to localize the outbreak of wars, preventing them from growing to a continental scale, when crises broke out - Polish, Danish, Austrian, Italian, Cretan ... He knew how to keep Russia away from acute conflicts, protecting it from military involvement in European problems, for more than twenty years old. Meanwhile, Europe was rocked by endless conflicts: the Austro-Franco-Sardinian War (1859), the Austrian-Prussian War against Denmark (1865), the Austro-Prussian War (1866), the Austro-Italian War (1866), the Franco-Prussian War (1870). –1871).

Resolution of the Polish crisis

The Polish crisis, which erupted as a result of the strengthening of national liberation movements, became a key link in European politics in the 60s of the 19th century. The events in Poland served as a pretext for the intervention of France and England in Polish affairs: the governments of these countries defiantly demanded that Russia meet the demands of the rebels. A noisy anti-Russian campaign unfolded in the English and French press. In the meantime, Russia, weakened after the Crimean War, could not afford to lose Poland, and its refusal could lead to the collapse of the Russian Empire. The climax of the diplomatic battle came on June 5, 1863, when English, French and Austrian dispatches were handed over to Gorchakov. Russia was asked to declare an amnesty for the rebels, restore the constitution of 1815 and transfer power to an independent Polish administration. The future status of Poland was to be discussed by a European conference. On July 1, Gorchakov sent dispatches in response: Russia denied the legitimacy of the third-party suggestions to the three powers and vigorously protested against interference in its own internal affairs. The right to consider the Polish question was recognized only for the participants in the divisions of Poland - Russia, Prussia and Austria. Thanks to the efforts of Gorchakov, another anti-Russian coalition did not take shape. He managed to play on the Anglo-French contradictions around the Vienna Convention of 1815, and on the fear of Austria to get into a new war. Poland and France were left alone. Overcoming the Polish crisis by means of classical as well as public diplomacy is considered to be the pinnacle of Gorchakov's political career.

Finding a new ally

Against the backdrop of the betrayal of Austria and the unfriendly neutrality of Prussia during the Crimean War, as well as international isolation as a result of the conflict, the Russian Empire had an urgent need to find a new ally. It turned out to be the United States, one of the main enemies of England, which at that time was engulfed in the Civil War between North and South. In 1863, Alexander II authorized a very risky action - a covert passage of two squadrons of the Russian fleet to the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States, thereby demonstrating the support of the North. For the fragile American statehood, the certainty of Russia's position turned out to be very useful. As conceived by the organizers of the campaign, the expedition was designed to show the whole world Russia's self-confidence, despite the threats that sounded against her in connection with the Polish events. It was the real challenge. Nevertheless, this bold step, at that time, presented Russia with a new promising ally, to whom, subsequently, Alaska would be sold at the initiative of Gorchakov. Today, this political move seems unjustified, but in the second half of the 19th century it made it possible to complete Alexander's reform reforms and restore the country's economy.

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Alexander Radievich Andreev
The last chancellor of the Russian Empire. Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. Documentary biography
To the 200th anniversary of the birth of Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov

Good goals are never achieved by secret machinations.

With great care you can protect yourself from the anger of people, but how to save yourself from their stupidity.

La Russie bonde, dit-on. La Russie ne bonde pas. La Russie se recueille.

They say that Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, Russia is gathering strength.

A. M. Gorchakov

Alexander Radievich Andreev was born in 1957 in Siberia, in 1979 he graduated from the Moscow Historical and Archival Institute, a member of the Russian Historical Society, a member of the Union of Journalists of Russia. Author of the monographs "History of the Crimea", "Molodinsk Battle of 1572", "Prince Dolgorukov-Krymsky", "Prince Yaroslav Pereyaslavsky", "Prince Dovmont Pskov", "History of the Jesuit Order", "History of the Order of Malta", "Genius of France. Cardinal Richelieu.

Documents and materials

GORCHAKOV, princely family of Rurikovich. In the 17th century, their descendants began to be called Gorchakovs. From the children of the stolnik (since 1692) Fyodor Petrovich Gorchakov, the family was divided into two branches. His grandson, Ivan Romanovich Gorchakov, lieutenant general, was married to A. V. Suvorov's sister Anna (1744–1813); their sons: Alexei Ivanovich Gorchakov (1769–1817), General of Infantry (1814); Andrei Ivanovich Gorchakov (1779–1855), infantry general (1814)

The descendants of another son of Fyodor Petrovich Gorchakov, Ivan, whose great-grandson A. M. Gorchakov in 1871 was granted the title of His Serene Highness, were widely known. His son Mikhail Alexandrovich Gorchakov (1839–1897), Privy Councilor (1879), envoy in Bern (Switzerland) in 1872–1878, in Dresden (Saxony) in 1878–79, in Madrid (Spain) in 1879–96.

GORCHAKOV ALEXANDER MIKHAILOVICH (4.6. 1798, Gapsal of the Estland province - 27.2.1883, Baden-Baden, Germany), statesman, diplomat, minister of foreign affairs (1856), state chancellor (1867), honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1856), most illustrious prince (1871). From the ancient princely family of Gorchakovs. He graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum (1817), classmate of A. S. Pushkin. Served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1820-1822, the secretary, K. W. Nesselrode, attended the congresses of the "Holy Alliance" in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. From 1822 secretary, from 1824 1st secretary of the embassy in London, then chargé d'affaires, 1st secretary of the representative office in Rome, from 1828 adviser to the embassy in Berlin, chargé d'affaires in Florence. In 1828-1833 envoy in Tuscany, since 1833 1st Counselor of the Embassy in Vienna. In 1841-1855 he was envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Stuttgart (Württemberg), at the same time in 1850-1854 under the German Confederation. In 1854-1856 envoy extraordinary in Vienna. At the Vienna Conference of Ambassadors in 1854, as a result of negotiations, he prevented Austria from entering the Crimean War of 1853-1856 on the side of France. From April 1856, Minister of Foreign Affairs, at the same time from 1862 a member of the State Council. Gorchakov's policy was aimed at eliminating the provisions of the Peace of Paris in 1856. In 1856, he evaded participation in diplomatic measures against the Neapolitan government, referring to the principle of non-interference in the affairs of other states (circular note 10.9. revolution of 1859-1860) proposed to convene a congress for a peaceful solution of the issue, and when the war between Piedmont, France and Austria became inevitable, he took measures to prevent the small German states from joining the policy of Austria; insisted on the purely defensive nature of the German alliance (note 15.5.1859). On the initiative of Gorchakov, a Russian-French movement was outlined, which began with a meeting of the two emperors in Stuttgart in 1857. In 1860, Gorchakov called for a revision of the articles of the Peace of Paris of 1856 on the situation of Christians subject to Turkey, proposing to convene a conference on this issue (note 8.5.1820). In a note of September 28, 1860, departing from the principle of non-intervention (announced in notes 1856-1859), he condemned the policy of the Sardinian government in Italy. The Russo-French alliance, which collapsed in 1862, was replaced by an alliance with Prussia; On February 8, 1863, he concluded a military convention with Prussia, which made it easier for the Russian government to fight the Polish uprising of 1863-1864. He blocked the proposal of the Emperor of France Napoleon III (October 1863) on an international congress (on Central European issues). As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's wars with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866), and France (1870–1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov to announce Russia's refusal of the 2nd article of the Treaty of Paris of 1856 on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers on international conference 1871. Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the "Union of Three Emperors" (1873), trying to use it to prepare for war with Turkey (the Reichstadt Agreement of 1876, the Russo-Austrian Convention of 1877). Opposing the excessive strengthening of Germany, the circular of 1875 prevented the second defeat of France. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, he played a significant role in ensuring the neutrality of the European powers. The successes of the Russian troops led to the conclusion of the Peace of San Stefano in 1878, which provoked protests from Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. In the face of the threat of creating an anti-Russian coalition, he agreed to hold the Berlin Congress of 1878, at which he spoke in favor of the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary. He cared primarily about the consent of the powers, about the interests of Europe, while insisting on the exclusive right of Russia to promote and protect its national interests. He was among the first in Russia to appreciate the importance of American and African factors in Russia's European policy. Firmly refused to participate in the intervention of the European powers in civil war in the United States in 1862, supported the northerners, laying the foundations of friendly relations with the United States. In a number of cases, Gorchakov was opposed by N. P. Ignatiev and P. A. Shuvalov (ambassadors of Russia. - A. A.), who sometimes pursued an essentially independent policy that diverged from Gorchakov’s position.

Gorchakov more than once skillfully got out of difficult situations. His famous "phrases", his brilliant circulars and notes made him famous in Europe.

Gorchakov maintained personal friendly relations with prominent foreign politicians(including Otto von Bismarck), was friends with the prominent Turkish figure Fuad Ali Pasha, which had a favorable effect on relations between Russia and Turkey in 1856-1871. In 1879, for health reasons, Gorchakov actually retired, since March 1882 he was retired.

GORCHAKOV'S CIRCULARIES, the names of diplomatic documents accepted in the literature, associated with the name of the Minister of Foreign Affairs A. M. Gorchakov. The most famous are the following.

An 1870 circular sent on October 19 to Russian diplomatic representatives in Great Britain, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and Turkey. He informed the governments of the states that signed the Paris Peace of 1856 that Russia did not consider itself bound by decrees that limited its sovereign rights in the Black Sea (a ban on keeping a navy there, building fortifications). The circulars noted that Russian government strictly observed the articles of the Paris Peace, while other powers repeatedly violated it. The Russian government announced to the Turkish Sultan the annulment of an additional convention that determined the number and size of warships on the Black Sea. The circular aroused the displeasure of a number of European governments, but Gorchakov sent it out at a time when France was suffering a heavy defeat in the war with Prussia, but peace had not yet been concluded, and the latter was interested in Russia's neutrality. In 1871, at a conference of powers in London, a convention was signed that confirmed the sovereign rights of Russia in the Black Sea.

The Circular of 1875 is a telegram sent in May to embassies and missions. It announced the elimination of the threat of a new war, which Germany intended to start against France. France asked Britain and Russia for diplomatic support in April. Emperor Alexander II and Gorchakov, who arrived in Berlin on April 28, 1875, put pressure on the German Kaiser and obtained assurances that Germany would not attack France. Before leaving Berlin, Gorchakov sent out a coded telegram: “The Emperor is leaving Berlin, confident in the peace-loving intentions prevailing here. Peace is guaranteed." The circular, published by European newspapers, increased Russia's prestige in Europe and prevented a second defeat of France.

Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron. St. Petersburg, 1896.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia. M, 1933, 1972.

Soviet Historical Encyclopedia. M, 1964.

National history. Encyclopedia. M, 1994.

Chapter I. Lyceum student and diplomat. 1798–1853

The last chancellor of the Russian Empire, Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, was born on June 4, 1798 in the town of Gapsal, located in the Estland province. His father is Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, his mother is Elena-Dorotea Vasilievna Ferzen, daughter of Baron Ferzen, a lieutenant colonel in the Russian service. Gorchakovs - "Princes Gorchaks" - descended from the Rurikovichs - the princes of Chernigov. "Occupation of the highest positions in public service became, as it were, hereditary in the family of the princes Gorchakov, and its representatives owed this not only to their family ties, but also to their outstanding abilities ”(1).

In the book compiled by Prince A. Bobrinsky "Noble families included in the General Armorial of the All-Russian Empire", published in 1890 in St. Petersburg, it is written about the Gorchakov family:

“The offspring of Rurik - No. 9.

Prince Gorchakov.

The family of the princes Gorchakov comes from the princes of Chernigov: in the genealogy of the princes of Chernigov, located in the Velvet and other genealogical books, it is shown that the son of the Russian Grand Duke Vladimir Svyatoslavich, who baptized the Russian land, Grand Duke Yaroslav Vladimirovich planted his son Prince Svyatoslav Yaroslavich in Chernigov, and the princes of Chernigov descended from him. The great-grandson of this Prince, Grand Duke Mikhail Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, had a son, Prince Mstislav Karachevsky, and he had a grandson, Prince Ivan Kozelsky, from whom the Gorchak Princes descended. Prince Ivan Fedorovich Peremyshl-Gorchakov was granted by the Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich in 1539 by the city of Karachev. Prince Pyotr Ivanovich Gorchakov in 1570 was written among the children of the boyars. In the same way, many others of this kind, the Princes Gorchakovs, served the Russian throne: okolniki, stolniks and in other noble ranks, and were granted estates and other honors and signs of Monarch favors from the Sovereigns. All this is proved beyond Russian history, by the Velvet Book, the certificate of the Discharge Archive and the genealogy of the princes Gorchakov, indicated in the genealogy book sent from the Moscow Nobility.

Extract from the Genealogical Book of Prince Dolgoruky, I, 61.

Tribe I. Grand Duke Rurik, mind. in 879.

Elbow II. Grand Duke Igor Rurikovich, died in 945.

Elbow III. Grand Duke Svyatoslav Igorevich, died in 972.

Knee IV. Grand Duke Saint Vladimir Svyatoslavich, died in 1015.

Knee V. Grand Duke Yaroslav Vladimirovich the Great, died in 1054.

Elbow VI. Prince Svyatoslav Yaroslavich of Chernigov, died in 1076.

Elbow VII. Prince Oleg Svyatoslavich of Chernigov, died in 1115.

Elbow VIII. Prince Vsevolod Olgovich Chernigov, died in 1146.

Elbow IX. Prince Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, died in 1194.

Knee X. Prince Vsevolod Chermny Svyatoslavich Chernigov, died in 1215.

Elbow XI. Holy Prince Mikhail Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, died in 1246.

Elbow XII. Prince Mstislav Mikhailovich Karachevsky.

Elbow XIII. Prince Tit Mstislavich Karachevsky and Kozelsky.

Knee XIV. Prince Ivan Titovich Kozelsky.

Knee XV. Prince Roman Ivanovich Kozelsky and Przemysl (Przemysl, Kaluga Region)

Tribe XVI. Prince Andrey Romanovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky.

Elbow XVII. Prince Vladimir Andreevich Kozelsky.

Knee XVIII. Prince Semyon Vladimirovich Kozelsky.

Knee XIX. Prince Mikhailo Semyonovich Kozelsky.

Elbow XX. At the beginning of the 15th century, the Kozelsky princes were forced, by force of arms, to enter into the subordination of Lithuania, but in the reign of John the Great, Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky left Lithuania for Moscow with his son and grandson. In 1499, he repulsed the attack of the Cossacks on the Principality of Kozelsk, and in 1503 John the Great sent him to Lithuania with an army to return to him his ancestral possessions, occupied by Lithuanian troops.

Elbow XXI. Prince Boris Ivanovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky.

Elbow XXII. Prince Fyodor Borisovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky-Gorchak (by his nickname and his descendants are written by the princes Gorchakov). In 1538 he was governor in Karachev, and in 1563 in Ryazhsk.

Having received an excellent home education, Prince Alexander after the family moved to northern capital On July 30, 1811, he graduated from the St. Petersburg gymnasium of Emperor Alexander I. On August 8, 1811, Alexander Gorchakov, who knew English, German and French from childhood, “brilliantly passed” the entrance exam and was admitted to the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, equated to universities. On September 22, the list of examinees was presented to Emperor Alexander I and on October 19 the lyceum opened.

“Decree on the Noble boarding house in the city of Tsarskoye Selo.

About the educational order.

For teaching in the Noble Boarding School, three classes are established, according to the age of the pupils: junior, middle and senior. In each of these classes, a circle of study is completed in three years.

The subjects of study are as follows:

1. Law of God and Sacred History.

2. Logic, psychology and moralizing.

3. World history, Russian and statistics.

4. Geography: mathematical, political, general and Russian.

5. Antiquities and mythology.

6. Science of the state economy, natural and Roman law.

7. Foundations of the right of private civil, criminal laws and especially practical Russian jurisprudence.

8. Mathematics (arithmetic, geometry, trigonometry, algebra, mechanics).

9. Military sciences: artillery, fortification.

10. Civil architecture.

11. Brief experimental physics and natural history.

12. Russian language(reading and calligraphy, etymology, syntax, syllable).

13. German literature.

14. French literature.

15. Latin literature.

16. English literature. Arts.

17. Drawing.

18. Dancing.

19. Fencing.

20. Teaching with a gun.

For pupils who wish to learn to play the piano or violin, the Boarding House has its own instruments; but a special amount must be paid for the payment of music teachers, since the teaching of this is not included in the actual plan of the teaching of the Boarding School.

Teaching continues daily 8 hours a day, from 8 to 12 in the morning and from 2 to 6 in the afternoon ”(9).

Reviews of teachers of the lyceum about Alexander Gorchakov have been preserved. Professor of Russian and Latin literature N.K. Koshansky wrote on December 15, 1813: “One of the few pupils who combine many abilities in the highest degree. Especially noticeable in him is his quick understanding, suddenly embracing both rules and examples, which, combined with excessive competition and some noblely strong ambition, reveals the quickness of mind in him and some traits of a genius. His success is excellent." The teacher of physics and mathematics Ya. I. Kartsev wrote at the same time: “Gorchakov was, as always, very attentive, excellently diligent, firm and thorough in his judgment; successes are quick and decisive. The tutor G.S. Chirikov noted: “Gorchakov is prudent, noble in actions, loves teaching extremely, neat, polite, diligent, sensitive, meek, but proud. Its distinctive properties are self-love, jealousy for one’s own benefit and honor, and generosity” (9).

At the Lyceum, Prince Gorchakov studied with Alexander Pushkin, who wrote him three poetic letters - in 1814, 1817 and 1819.

On June 9, 1817, Gorchakov graduated from the Lyceum with a gold medal, renounced his inheritance in favor of his four sisters and, having received the rank of titular adviser, with the help of his uncle A.N. Peshchurov, entered the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. In the Commendation sheet received by Prince Alexander on June 9 at the time of graduation, it was said:

“Exemplary benevolence, diligence and excellent progress in all parts of the sciences that you rendered during your six-year stay at the Imperial Lyceum, made you worthy of receiving a second gold medal, which was given to you with His Highest Imperial Majesty approval. May this first badge of distinction, which you receive upon your entry into the society of citizens, be a sign to you that dignity is always recognized and receives its reward, may it always serve as an encouragement to you to zealously fulfill your duties to the state and fatherland ”(1).

Prince Alexander, after graduating from the Lyceum, wrote to his uncle: “In last time you told me a couple of words about Count Kapodistrias, everything I heard about him confirms your opinion about him, but they say that he probably will not stay in this place for a long time, his direct character is not capable of court intrigues. And I would like to serve under him” (1).

B. L. Modzalevsky wrote in his work “On the biography of Prince A. M. Gorchakov”, published in Moscow in 1907:

“Uncle Gorchakov, Alexei Nikitich Peshchurov, retired on February 2, 1816 with the rank of 5th grade. Peshchurov fussed for Gorchakov in front of his wife's countryman, Count I. A. Kapodistria, who at that time was the state secretary of Emperor Alexander I and managed part of Russia's international relations. On June 13, 1817, Gorchakov was admitted to the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia" (4).

Later, Prince Gorchakov wrote: Military service presented me with almost nothing attractive in peacetime, except for the uniform, which from now on I present to young heliporters to be tempted, but I still had a prejudice to think that young man it is necessary to start service with the military. I imagine others to take laurels in the military field, and resolutely choose the civil one, as more similar to my abilities, way of thinking, health and condition, and I hope that in this way I can become more useful. Without a doubt, if circumstances such as those that marked the 12th year were encountered, then, at least, in my opinion, everyone who feels in himself even a slight inclination towards the military should devote himself to it, and then I would not be without sorry, I exchanged a pen for a sword. But since, I hope, this will not happen, I have chosen for myself the civilian and from the civilian the noblest part - diplomacy ”(1).

At first, Prince Alexander studied the history of diplomacy, the main task of which at that time was, according to I. Kapodistrias, “extracting Europe from its long-standing fears and the distrust that Russia inspired” (1).

O. A. Savelyeva wrote in her article “A Greek Patriot in the Service of Russia”, published in the collection “Russian Diplomacy in Portraits”, published in Moscow in 1992:

“Count John, or, as he was called in the Russian service, Ivan Antonovich Kapodistrias, was born in 1776 into an old Greek aristocratic family on the island of Corfu. Received medical education in Italy. At the same time, he attended courses in political science, law and philosophy. The first lessons of diplomacy and the experience of political struggle Kapodistrias received in the post of Secretary of State of the Republic of the United Seven Islands - the first in new history an independent Greek state established in the Ionian Islands in 1800. After the transfer of the Ionian Islands under the Tilsit Treaty of 1807 to France, Kapodistrias received an invitation to the Russian service.

During the first two years spent in Russia, his main occupation was the compilation of various notes on the instructions of Chancellor N.P. Rumyantsev. During 1811-1813, he was a supernumerary secretary under the Russian envoy in Vienna G. O. Shtakelberg, then the ruler of the diplomatic office of the Danube army, Admiral P. V. Chichagov, and a diplomatic official under M. B. Barclay de Tolly.

The rise of Kapodistrias began with his mission to Switzerland. According to Alexander I, the political structure of Switzerland, although its emergence was associated with the intervention of Napoleon, should have remained the same. In carrying out this mission, Kapodistrias managed to prevent Austria from dismembering the Swiss cantons and restoring monarchical rule.

The success of Kapodistrias was highly appreciated by Alexander I, who in a confidential conversation said about him: “He will not stay there for a long time; we will have a lot to do in Vienna, but I don’t have a person strong enough to fight Metternich, and I’m thinking of bringing him closer to me.”

At the Congress of Vienna, at a meeting of which Kapodistrias arrived in October 1814, he becomes a close adviser to the Russian emperor.

In September 1815, the king appointed Kapodistrias Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. On November 20, Kapodistria signed the Treaty of Paris on behalf of Russia.

In August 1816, K. V. Nesselrode was appointed manager of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Kapodistrias was in charge of Russia's relations with Eastern countries, including Turkey, Nesselrode was in charge of Russia's relations with Western countries.

Alexander I saw in Kapodistrias a person whose moderate liberal views and advice could be useful in pursuing a policy of contacts and compromises with the new forces of Europe. Nesselrode was not suitable for this role. He was an accurate and conscientious executor of the tsar's will, an official who was good at compiling diplomatic papers from the words of the tsar or from his sketches ”(6).

All European politics early XIX century was determined after the defeat of Napoleonic France at the Congress of Vienna, which ended the era of global territorial changes in Europe.

In September 1820, Gorchakov was appointed to accompany the Secretary of State - Minister of Foreign Affairs - K. V. Nesselrode to the II Congress of the "Holy Alliance", held in the Austrian town of Troppau, then participated in the congresses in Laibach (1821) and Verona - ( 1822). The main duty of the twenty-year-old Gorchakov on diplomatic trips to congresses was to compile dispatches for the office Russian Ministry Foreign Affairs on the course of negotiations. The number of reports written by Gorchakov during 1820-1822 was measured in thousands. At the Laibach Congress, Gorchakov was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir IV degree.

The figure of K. Nesselrode, who ruled the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for almost forty years, is well studied. Nesselrode did not even know the Russian language, "he was a decisive example of the attractive force that exists between insignificance and fortune" (23).

S. S. Tatishchev wrote in his book “From the Past of Russian Diplomacy of the 19th Century”, published in St. Petersburg in 1890:

“The Nesselrode family belongs to the ancient German nobility, its beginning dates back to the 14th century. It comes from the county of Berg, in present-day Rhineland Prussia. That branch of Nesselrode, to which the future chancellor belonged, was elevated in 1655 to the rank of baron, and in 1705 to the rank of count of the Roman Empire. The father of the future chancellor, Count Wilhelm Nesselrode, was appointed, thanks to the patronage of the Landgravine of Hesse-Darmstadt, mother of the first wife of Tsarevich Pavel Petrovich, to the newly established position of our envoy to the Portuguese court. Count Wilhelm Nesselrode, like all members of this family, was married to Louise Gontar, the daughter of a Frankfurt banker who converted to Protestantism. On December 2, 1780, on the very day of their arrival in Lisbon, on the English ship carrying them, their son, Karl Robert, was born. The boy was baptized according to the Anglican rite for lack of a pastor of a different Protestant type in Lisbon. From Portugal, Count Wilhelm was transferred in 1788 as an envoy to Berlin, but he did not stay there long and was recalled the following year due to his complete insolvency and obsequiousness before the Prussian court at a time when it became directly hostile to Russia due to Eastern affairs. However, he left his son, who was enlisted as a midshipman in the Russian fleet, to be raised in the Gedicke Gymnasium in Berlin, and only when he reached the age of sixteen was sent to Russia to enter the service. The young Karl-Robert arrived in St. Petersburg in 1796, two months before the death of Catherine, and was seconded to the second branch of the Marine Corps, located in Kronstadt. cadet corps. Emperor Pavel, who favored his father, at the very accession, transferred him to his beloved Life Guards Cavalry Regiment and appointed him an adjutant wing. At first, Nesselrode moved quickly up the ranks. After the death of Paul Nesselrode, they sent with a letter of notice of the accession of Emperor Alexander to the throne to the court of Duke Charles of Württemberg, the brother of the Dowager Empress. Returning from a business trip, he was appointed to the State Collegium of Foreign Affairs and appointed to be on our mission in Berlin above the staff. The beginning of his acquaintance with Metternich, who was still the Austrian envoy in Dresden, and with many Austrian aristocrats dates back to the same time. He completely succumbed to their influence, assimilated their views, judgments, sympathies and antipathies.

In 1810, Emperor Alexander granted Nesselrode the Secretary of State and at the end of 1811 announced to him that he intended, in view of the upcoming war, to bring him closer to himself. At the beginning of 1812, Nesselrode's position at court was strengthened by his marriage to the daughter of a wealthy and influential finance minister, later a count, D. A. Guryev.

It would be a mistake to assume that between the two secretaries of state (Kapodistrias and Nesselrode) there was a personal antagonism. On the contrary, they lived peacefully and even amicably among themselves, and the flexible Nesselrode carefully avoided discord with his comrade, who enjoyed the unlimited confidence of the sovereign in the era of the Aachen Congress. Metternich treated Kapodistrias differently. He saw in him the only obstacle to the involvement of the Russian court in his diplomatic networks, and directed all his efforts to eliminating the hated enemy. At the Troppau Congress, Metternich had the opportunity to make sure that Nesselrode could not push Kapodistria into the background. The insignificance and colorlessness of Nesselrode extremely upset Metternich: “What a pity that Nesselrode is so obscure! I don’t understand how a person can destroy himself to such an extent that he puts on someone else’s hope and hides behind someone else’s mask, instead of preserving his own expression!

Meanwhile, the underground work undertaken by Metternich against Kapodistrias was progressing quite successfully. In the spring of 1822, as a result of a cleverly directed diplomatic intrigue from Vienna, Kapodistrias finally resigned, and she was accepted by Alexander. Metternich triumphed.

With Kapodistrias, the last trace of the Orthodox-folk direction, independent in relation to the allies in the West, the consciousness of Russia's historical vocation in the East, disappeared from Russian diplomacy. Not a single Russian person remained in the positions of ambassadors at the courts of the great powers. All of them were presented exclusively to the Germans, who flooded both the foreign affairs college and the offices of embassies and missions. Talented young diplomats of Russian origin, one by one, were removed from the department, in which foreigners were given clear preference over them. So D. N. Bludov, Count V. N. Panin left the diplomatic service, and if any of the Russians remained in it, then, like A. M. Gorchakov, he was doomed to occupy secondary positions for many years. It is characteristic that A. S. Pushkin, patronized by Kapodistrias, whose sins were treated with paternal indulgence by his caring boss, was expelled “for debauchery” from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the very first year of Count Nesselrode’s sole control over him” (29).

V. N. Ponomarev wrote in his article “The end of a long career. K. V. Nesselrode and the Peace of Paris”, published in the collection “Russian Diplomacy in Portraits”, published in Moscow in 1992:

"TO. W. Nesselrode (1780–1862) was born in Lisbon, where his father, Wilhelm Nesselrode, a German in the Russian service, served as Russian envoy. Karl received his education in Germany, where he graduated from high school. At the age of twenty, after unsuccessful attempts to start a career in the navy or army, Nesselrode moved to the diplomatic field. First decade XIX century, he served in the Russian missions in Berlin, The Hague, at the embassy in Paris. By this time, he met Prince K. Metternich. This Austrian diplomat and statesman had big influence on the formation of Nesselrode's political views. The latter considered him a model of a statesman and politician.

Period Patriotic War 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian army proved to be very important for Nesselrode's career. Back in 1811, he was appointed secretary of state, that is, a special confidant under the emperor, who performed secretarial duties, then he performed individual assignments while in the army, and in 1813–1814 he was almost inseparably under Emperor Alexander I, in charge of the political correspondence of the marching office. At the Vienna Congress of 1814-1815, he was one of the representatives of Russia.

In 1816, the tsar received for him, along with I. A. Kapodistria, the administration of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Nesselrode was then in charge of relations with the Western powers, and Kapodistrias was in charge of Eastern affairs. The general administration was entrusted to Nesselrode, who was the first secretary of state. Later, when liberalism in the policy of Alexander I was over, the management of the ministry began to be carried out solely by K. V. Nesselrode (since 1822). In 1828 he was given the title of Vice-Chancellor, and in 1845 he reached the highest rank (according to the "Table of Ranks") - he became the State Chancellor of the Russian Empire. Submission and obedience to the “highest will” is precisely what most historians explain the phenomenon of Nesselrode’s long service” (6).