Great ideas, complex character: what role did Chancellor Alexander Gorchakov play in Russian history. Northern summer resident - news, catalog, consultations

Current page: 1 (total book has 8 pages) [available reading excerpt: 2 pages]

Alexander Radievich Andreev
The last chancellor of the Russian Empire. Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. Documentary biography
To the 200th anniversary of the birth of Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov

Good goals are never achieved by secret machinations.

With great care you can protect yourself from the anger of people, but how to save yourself from their stupidity.

La Russie bonde, dit-on. La Russie ne bonde pas. La Russie se recueille.

They say that Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, Russia is gathering strength.

A. M. Gorchakov

Alexander Radievich Andreev was born in 1957 in Siberia, in 1979 he graduated from the Moscow Historical and Archival Institute, a member of the Russian Historical Society, a member of the Union of Journalists of Russia. Author of the monographs "History of the Crimea", "Molodinsk Battle of 1572", "Prince Dolgorukov-Krymsky", "Prince Yaroslav Pereyaslavsky", "Prince Dovmont Pskov", "History of the Jesuit Order", "History of the Order of Malta", "Genius of France. Cardinal Richelieu.

Documents and materials

GORCHAKOV, princely family of Rurikovich. In the 17th century, their descendants began to be called Gorchakovs. From the children of the stolnik (since 1692) Fyodor Petrovich Gorchakov, the family was divided into two branches. His grandson, Ivan Romanovich Gorchakov, lieutenant general, was married to A. V. Suvorov's sister Anna (1744–1813); their sons: Alexei Ivanovich Gorchakov (1769–1817), General of Infantry (1814); Andrei Ivanovich Gorchakov (1779–1855), infantry general (1814)

The descendants of another son of Fyodor Petrovich Gorchakov, Ivan, whose great-grandson A. M. Gorchakov in 1871 was granted the title of His Serene Highness, were widely known. His son Mikhail Alexandrovich Gorchakov (1839–1897), Privy Councilor (1879), envoy in Bern (Switzerland) in 1872–1878, in Dresden (Saxony) in 1878–79, in Madrid (Spain) in 1879–96.

GORCHAKOV ALEXANDER MIKHAILOVICH (4.6. 1798, Gapsal of the Estland province - 27.2.1883, Baden-Baden, Germany), statesman, diplomat, minister of foreign affairs (1856), state chancellor (1867), honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1856), most illustrious prince (1871). From the ancient princely family of Gorchakovs. He graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum (1817), classmate of A. S. Pushkin. Served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1820-1822, the secretary, K. W. Nesselrode, attended the congresses of the "Holy Alliance" in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. From 1822 secretary, from 1824 1st secretary of the embassy in London, then chargé d'affaires, 1st secretary of the representative office in Rome, from 1828 adviser to the embassy in Berlin, chargé d'affaires in Florence. In 1828-1833 envoy in Tuscany, since 1833 1st Counselor of the Embassy in Vienna. In 1841-1855 he was envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Stuttgart (Württemberg), at the same time in 1850-1854 under the German Confederation. In 1854-1856 envoy extraordinary in Vienna. At the Vienna Conference of Ambassadors in 1854, as a result of negotiations, he prevented Austria from entering the Crimean War of 1853-1856 on the side of France. From April 1856, Minister of Foreign Affairs, at the same time from 1862 a member of the State Council. Gorchakov's policy was aimed at eliminating the provisions of the Peace of Paris in 1856. In 1856, he evaded participation in diplomatic measures against the Neapolitan government, referring to the principle of non-interference in the affairs of other states (circular note 10.9. revolution of 1859-1860) proposed to convene a congress for a peaceful solution of the issue, and when the war between Piedmont, France and Austria became inevitable, he took measures to prevent the small German states from joining the policy of Austria; insisted on the purely defensive nature of the German alliance (note 15.5.1859). On the initiative of Gorchakov, a Russian-French movement was outlined, which began with a meeting of the two emperors in Stuttgart in 1857. In 1860, Gorchakov called for a revision of the articles of the Peace of Paris of 1856 on the situation of Christians subject to Turkey, proposing to convene a conference on this issue (note 8.5.1820). In a note of September 28, 1860, departing from the principle of non-intervention (announced in notes 1856-1859), he condemned the policy of the Sardinian government in Italy. The Russo-French alliance, which collapsed in 1862, was replaced by an alliance with Prussia; On February 8, 1863, he concluded a military convention with Prussia, which made it easier for the Russian government to fight the Polish uprising of 1863-1864. He blocked the proposal of the Emperor of France Napoleon III (October 1863) on an international congress (on Central European issues). As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's wars with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866), and France (1870–1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov to announce Russia's refusal of Article 2 of the Peace of Paris of 1856 on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers at the international conference of 1871. Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the "Union of Three Emperors" (1873), trying to use it to prepare for war with Turkey (the Reichstadt Agreement of 1876, the Russo-Austrian Convention of 1877). Opposing the excessive strengthening of Germany, the circular of 1875 prevented the second defeat of France. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, he played a significant role in ensuring the neutrality of the European powers. The successes of the Russian troops led to the conclusion of the Peace of San Stefano in 1878, which provoked protests from Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. In the face of the threat of creating an anti-Russian coalition, he agreed to hold the Berlin Congress of 1878, at which he spoke in favor of the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary. He cared primarily about the consent of the powers, about the interests of Europe, while insisting on the exclusive right of Russia to promote and protect its national interests. He was among the first in Russia to appreciate the importance of American and African factors in Russia's European policy. Firmly refused to participate in the intervention of the European powers in civil war in the United States in 1862, supported the northerners, laying the foundations of friendly relations with the United States. In a number of cases, Gorchakov was opposed by N. P. Ignatiev and P. A. Shuvalov (ambassadors of Russia. - A. A.), who sometimes pursued an essentially independent policy that diverged from Gorchakov's position.

Gorchakov more than once skillfully got out of difficult situations. His famous "phrases", his brilliant circulars and notes made him famous in Europe.

Gorchakov maintained personal friendly relations with prominent foreign political figures (including Otto von Bismarck), was friends with the prominent Turkish figure Fuad Ali Pasha, which had a favorable effect on relations between Russia and Turkey in 1856-1871. In 1879, for health reasons, Gorchakov actually retired, since March 1882 he was retired.

GORCHAKOV'S CIRCULARIES, the names of diplomatic documents accepted in the literature, associated with the name of the Minister of Foreign Affairs A. M. Gorchakov. The most famous are the following.

An 1870 circular sent on October 19 to Russian diplomatic representatives in Great Britain, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and Turkey. He informed the governments of the states that signed the Peace of Paris in 1856 that Russia did not consider itself bound by the decrees that limited it sovereign rights on the Black Sea (prohibition to keep the navy there, to build fortifications). The circulars noted that the Russian government strictly observed the articles of the Peace of Paris, while other powers repeatedly violated it. The Russian government announced to the Turkish Sultan the annulment of an additional convention that determined the number and size of warships on the Black Sea. The circular aroused the displeasure of a number of European governments, but Gorchakov sent it out at a time when France was suffering a heavy defeat in the war with Prussia, but peace had not yet been concluded, and the latter was interested in Russia's neutrality. In 1871, at a conference of powers in London, a convention was signed that confirmed the sovereign rights of Russia in the Black Sea.

The Circular of 1875 is a telegram sent in May to embassies and missions. It announced the elimination of the threat of a new war, which Germany intended to start against France. France asked Britain and Russia for diplomatic support in April. Emperor Alexander II and Gorchakov, who arrived in Berlin on April 28, 1875, put pressure on the German Kaiser and obtained assurances that Germany would not attack France. Before leaving Berlin, Gorchakov sent out a coded telegram: “The Emperor is leaving Berlin, confident in the peace-loving intentions prevailing here. Peace is guaranteed." The circular, published by European newspapers, increased Russia's prestige in Europe and prevented a second defeat of France.

Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron. St. Petersburg, 1896.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia. M, 1933, 1972.

Soviet Historical Encyclopedia. M, 1964.

National history. Encyclopedia. M, 1994.

Chapter I. Lyceum student and diplomat. 1798–1853

Last Chancellor Russian Empire Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was born on June 4, 1798 in the town of Gapsal, located in the Estland province. His father is Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, his mother is Elena-Dorotea Vasilievna Ferzen, daughter of Baron Ferzen, a lieutenant colonel in the Russian service. Gorchakovs - "Princes Gorchaks" - descended from the Rurikovichs - the princes of Chernigov. “Occupation of the highest positions in the civil service became, as it were, hereditary in the family of the princes Gorchakov, and its representatives owed this not only to their family ties, but also to their outstanding abilities” (1).

In the book compiled by Prince A. Bobrinsky "Noble families included in the General Armorial of the All-Russian Empire", published in 1890 in St. Petersburg, it is written about the Gorchakov family:

“The offspring of Rurik - No. 9.

Prince Gorchakov.

The family of the Gorchakov princes comes from the princes of Chernigov: in the genealogy of the princes of Chernigov, located in the Velvet and other genealogical books, it is shown that the son of the Russian Grand Duke Vladimir Svyatoslavich, who baptized the Russian land, Grand Duke Yaroslav Vladimirovich planted his son Prince Svyatoslav Yaroslavich in Chernigov, and from the princes of Chernigov went to him. The great-grandson of this Prince, Grand Duke Mikhail Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, had a son, Prince Mstislav Karachevsky, and he had a grandson, Prince Ivan Kozelsky, from whom the Gorchak Princes descended. Prince Ivan Fedorovich Peremyshl-Gorchakov was granted by the Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich in 1539 by the city of Karachev. Prince Pyotr Ivanovich Gorchakov in 1570 was written among the children of the boyars. Likewise, many others of this kind Prince Gorchakov Russian throne served: roundabouts, stolniks and in other noble ranks, and were granted estates and other honors and signs of royal favors from the Sovereigns. All this is proven beyond Russian history, the Velvet Book, the certificate of the Discharge Archive and the family tree of the princes Gorchakov, indicated in the book sent from the Moscow Noble family tree.

Extract from the Genealogical Book of Prince Dolgoruky, I, 61.

Tribe I. Grand Duke Rurik, mind. in 879.

Elbow II. Grand Duke Igor Rurikovich, died in 945.

Elbow III. Grand Duke Svyatoslav Igorevich, died in 972.

Knee IV. Grand Duke Saint Vladimir Svyatoslavich, died in 1015.

Knee V. Grand Duke Yaroslav Vladimirovich the Great, died in 1054.

Elbow VI. Prince Svyatoslav Yaroslavich of Chernigov, died in 1076.

Elbow VII. Prince Oleg Svyatoslavich of Chernigov, died in 1115.

Elbow VIII. Prince Vsevolod Olgovich Chernigov, died in 1146.

Elbow IX. Prince Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, died in 1194.

Knee X. Prince Vsevolod Chermny Svyatoslavich Chernigov, died in 1215.

Elbow XI. Holy Prince Mikhail Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, died in 1246.

Elbow XII. Prince Mstislav Mikhailovich Karachevsky.

Elbow XIII. Prince Tit Mstislavich Karachevsky and Kozelsky.

Knee XIV. Prince Ivan Titovich Kozelsky.

Knee XV. Prince Roman Ivanovich Kozelsky and Przemysl (Przemysl, Kaluga Region)

Tribe XVI. Prince Andrey Romanovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky.

Elbow XVII. Prince Vladimir Andreevich Kozelsky.

Knee XVIII. Prince Semyon Vladimirovich Kozelsky.

Knee XIX. Prince Mikhailo Semyonovich Kozelsky.

Elbow XX. At the beginning of the 15th century, the Kozelsky princes were forced, by force of arms, to enter into the subordination of Lithuania, but in the reign of John the Great, Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky left Lithuania for Moscow with his son and grandson. In 1499, he repulsed the attack of the Cossacks on the Principality of Kozelsk, and in 1503 John the Great sent him to Lithuania with an army to return to him his ancestral possessions, occupied by Lithuanian troops.

Elbow XXI. Prince Boris Ivanovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky.

Elbow XXII. Prince Fyodor Borisovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky-Gorchak (by his nickname and his descendants are written by the princes Gorchakov). In 1538 he was governor in Karachev, and in 1563 in Ryazhsk.

Having received an excellent home education, Prince Alexander after the family moved to northern capital July 30, 1811 he graduated from the St. Petersburg Gymnasium of Emperor Alexander I. August 8, 1811 Alexander Gorchakov, who knew English, German and French, "brilliantly passed" the entrance exam and was admitted to the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, equated to universities. On September 22, the list of examinees was presented to Emperor Alexander I and on October 19 the lyceum opened.

“Decree on the Noble boarding house in the city of Tsarskoye Selo.

About the educational order.

For teaching in the Noble Boarding School, three classes are established, according to the age of the pupils: junior, middle and senior. In each of these classes, a circle of study is completed in three years.

The subjects of study are as follows:

1. Law of God and Sacred History.

2. Logic, psychology and moralizing.

3. World history, Russian and statistics.

4. Geography: mathematical, political, general and Russian.

5. Antiquities and mythology.

6. Science state economy, natural and Roman law.

7. Foundations of the right of private civil, criminal laws and especially practical Russian jurisprudence.

8. Mathematics (arithmetic, geometry, trigonometry, algebra, mechanics).

9. Military sciences: artillery, fortification.

10. Civil architecture.

11. Brief experimental physics and natural history.

12. Russian language(reading and calligraphy, etymology, syntax, syllable).

13. German literature.

14. French literature.

15. Latin literature.

16. English literature. Arts.

17. Drawing.

18. Dancing.

19. Fencing.

20. Teaching with a gun.

For pupils who wish to learn to play the piano or violin, the Boarding House has its own instruments; but a special amount must be paid for the payment of music teachers, since the teaching of this is not included in the actual plan of the teaching of the Boarding School.

Teaching continues daily 8 hours a day, from 8 to 12 in the morning and from 2 to 6 in the afternoon ”(9).

Reviews of teachers of the lyceum about Alexander Gorchakov have been preserved. Professor of Russian and Latin literature N.K. Koshansky wrote on December 15, 1813: “One of the few pupils who combine many abilities in the highest degree. Especially noticeable in him is his quick understanding, suddenly embracing both rules and examples, which, combined with excessive competition and some noblely strong ambition, reveals the quickness of mind in him and some traits of a genius. His success is excellent." The teacher of physics and mathematics Ya. I. Kartsev wrote at the same time: “Gorchakov was, as always, very attentive, excellently diligent, firm and thorough in his judgment; successes are quick and decisive. The tutor G.S. Chirikov noted: “Gorchakov is prudent, noble in actions, loves teaching extremely, neat, polite, diligent, sensitive, meek, but proud. Its distinctive properties are self-love, jealousy for one’s own benefit and honor, and generosity” (9).

At the Lyceum, Prince Gorchakov studied with Alexander Pushkin, who wrote him three poetic letters - in 1814, 1817 and 1819.

On June 9, 1817, Gorchakov graduated from the Lyceum with a gold medal, renounced his inheritance in favor of his four sisters and, having received the rank of titular adviser, with the help of his uncle A.N. Peshchurov, entered the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. In the Commendation sheet received by Prince Alexander on June 9 at the time of graduation, it was said:

“Exemplary benevolence, diligence and excellent progress in all parts of the sciences that you rendered during your six-year stay at the Imperial Lyceum, made you worthy of receiving a second gold medal, which was given to you with His Highest Imperial Majesty approval. May this first badge of distinction, which you receive upon your entry into the society of citizens, be a sign to you that dignity is always recognized and receives its reward, may it always serve as an encouragement to you to zealously fulfill your duties to the state and fatherland ”(1).

Prince Alexander, after graduating from the Lyceum, wrote to his uncle: “The last time you said two words to me about Count Kapodistrias, everything I heard about him confirms your opinion about him, but they say that he probably won’t stay in this place for a long time, direct his character is not capable of court intrigues. And I would like to serve under him” (1).

B. L. Modzalevsky wrote in his work “On the biography of Prince A. M. Gorchakov”, published in Moscow in 1907:

“Uncle Gorchakov, Alexei Nikitich Peshchurov, retired on February 2, 1816 with the rank of 5th grade. Peshchurov fussed for Gorchakov in front of his wife's countryman, Count I. A. Kapodistria, who at that time was the state secretary of Emperor Alexander I and managed part of Russia's international relations. On June 13, 1817, Gorchakov was admitted to the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia" (4).

Later, Prince Gorchakov wrote: “Military service presented me with almost nothing attractive in peacetime, except for the uniform, which from now on I present to young heliporters, but I still had the prejudice to think that a young man needs to start military service. I imagine others to take laurels in the military field, and resolutely choose the civil one, as more similar to my abilities, way of thinking, health and condition, and I hope that in this way I can become more useful. Without a doubt, if circumstances such as those that marked the 12th year were encountered, then, at least, in my opinion, everyone who feels in himself even a slight inclination towards the military should devote himself to it, and then I would not be without sorry, I exchanged a pen for a sword. But since, I hope, this will not happen, I have chosen for myself the civilian and from the civilian the noblest part - diplomacy ”(1).

At first, Prince Alexander studied the history of diplomacy, the main task of which at that time was, according to I. Kapodistrias, “extracting Europe from its long-standing fears and the distrust that Russia inspired” (1).

O. A. Savelyeva wrote in her article “A Greek Patriot in the Service of Russia”, published in the collection “Russian Diplomacy in Portraits”, published in Moscow in 1992:

“Count John, or, as he was called in the Russian service, Ivan Antonovich Kapodistrias, was born in 1776 into an old Greek aristocratic family on the island of Corfu. Received medical education in Italy. At the same time, he attended courses in political science, law and philosophy. First diplomacy lessons and experience political struggle Kapodistrias was appointed Secretary of State for the Republic of the United Seven Islands, the first new history an independent Greek state established in the Ionian Islands in 1800. After the transfer of the Ionian Islands under the Tilsit Treaty of 1807 to France, Kapodistrias received an invitation to the Russian service.

During the first two years spent in Russia, his main occupation was the compilation of various notes on the instructions of Chancellor N.P. Rumyantsev. During 1811-1813, he was a supernumerary secretary under the Russian envoy in Vienna G. O. Shtakelberg, then the ruler of the diplomatic office of the Danube army, Admiral P. V. Chichagov, and a diplomatic official under M. B. Barclay de Tolly.

The rise of Kapodistrias began with his mission to Switzerland. According to Alexander I, the political structure of Switzerland, although its emergence was associated with the intervention of Napoleon, should have remained the same. In carrying out this mission, Kapodistrias managed to prevent Austria from dismembering the Swiss cantons and restoring monarchical rule.

The success of Kapodistrias was highly appreciated by Alexander I, who in a confidential conversation said about him: “He will not stay there for a long time; we will have a lot to do in Vienna, but I don’t have a person strong enough to fight Metternich, and I’m thinking of bringing him closer to me.”

At the Congress of Vienna, at a meeting of which Kapodistrias arrived in October 1814, he becomes a close adviser to the Russian emperor.

In September 1815, the king appointed Kapodistrias Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. On November 20, Kapodistria signed the Treaty of Paris on behalf of Russia.

In August 1816, K. V. Nesselrode was appointed manager of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Kapodistrias was in charge of Russia's relations with Eastern countries, including Turkey, Nesselrode was in charge of Russia's relations with Western countries.

Alexander I saw in Kapodistrias a person whose moderate liberal views and advice could be useful in pursuing a policy of contacts and compromises with the new forces of Europe. Nesselrode was not suitable for this role. He was an accurate and conscientious executor of the tsar's will, an official who was good at compiling diplomatic papers from the words of the tsar or from his sketches ”(6).

The entire European policy of the early 19th century was determined after the defeat of Napoleonic France at the Congress of Vienna, which ended the era of global territorial changes in Europe.

In September 1820, Gorchakov was appointed to accompany the Secretary of State - Minister of Foreign Affairs - K. V. Nesselrode to the II Congress of the "Holy Alliance", held in the Austrian town of Troppau, then participated in the congresses in Laibach (1821) and Verona - ( 1822). The main duty of the twenty-year-old Gorchakov on diplomatic trips to congresses was the preparation of dispatches for the office of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the progress of negotiations. The number of reports written by Gorchakov during 1820-1822 was measured in thousands. At the Laibach Congress, Gorchakov was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir IV degree.

The figure of K. Nesselrode, who ruled the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for almost forty years, is well studied. Nesselrode did not even know the Russian language, "he was a decisive example of the attractive force that exists between insignificance and fortune" (23).

S. S. Tatishchev wrote in his book “From the Past of Russian Diplomacy of the 19th Century”, published in St. Petersburg in 1890:

“The Nesselrode family belongs to the ancient German nobility, its beginning dates back to the 14th century. It comes from the county of Berg, in present-day Rhineland Prussia. That branch of Nesselrode, to which the future chancellor belonged, was elevated in 1655 to the rank of baron, and in 1705 to the rank of count of the Roman Empire. The father of the future chancellor, Count Wilhelm Nesselrode, was appointed, thanks to the patronage of the Landgravine of Hesse-Darmstadt, mother of the first wife of Tsarevich Pavel Petrovich, to the newly established position of our envoy to the Portuguese court. Count Wilhelm Nesselrode, like all members of this family, was married to Louise Gontar, the daughter of a Frankfurt banker who converted to Protestantism. On December 2, 1780, on the very day of their arrival in Lisbon, on the English ship carrying them, their son, Karl Robert, was born. The boy was baptized according to the Anglican rite for lack of a pastor of a different Protestant type in Lisbon. From Portugal, Count Wilhelm was transferred in 1788 as an envoy to Berlin, but he did not stay there long and was recalled the following year due to his complete insolvency and obsequiousness before the Prussian court at a time when it became directly hostile to Russia due to Eastern affairs. However, he left his son, who was enlisted as a midshipman in the Russian fleet, to be raised in the Gedicke Gymnasium in Berlin, and only when he reached the age of sixteen was sent to Russia to enter the service. Young Karl-Robert arrived in St. Petersburg in 1796, two months before the death of Catherine, and was seconded to the second branch of the Naval Cadet Corps located in Kronstadt. Emperor Pavel, who favored his father, at the very accession, transferred him to his beloved Life Guards Cavalry Regiment and appointed him an adjutant wing. At first, Nesselrode moved quickly up the ranks. After the death of Paul Nesselrode, they sent with a letter of notice of the accession of Emperor Alexander to the throne to the court of Duke Charles of Württemberg, the brother of the Dowager Empress. Returning from a business trip, he was appointed to the State Collegium of Foreign Affairs and appointed to be on our mission in Berlin above the staff. The beginning of his acquaintance with Metternich, who was still the Austrian envoy in Dresden, and with many Austrian aristocrats dates back to the same time. He completely succumbed to their influence, assimilated their views, judgments, sympathies and antipathies.

In 1810, Emperor Alexander granted Nesselrode the Secretary of State and at the end of 1811 announced to him that he intended, in view of the upcoming war, to bring him closer to himself. At the beginning of 1812, Nesselrode's position at court was strengthened by his marriage to the daughter of a wealthy and influential finance minister, later a count, D. A. Guryev.

It would be a mistake to assume that between the two secretaries of state (Kapodistrias and Nesselrode) there was a personal antagonism. On the contrary, they lived peacefully and even amicably among themselves, and the flexible Nesselrode carefully avoided discord with his comrade, who enjoyed the unlimited confidence of the sovereign in the era of the Aachen Congress. Metternich treated Kapodistrias differently. He saw in him the only obstacle to the involvement of the Russian court in his diplomatic networks, and directed all his efforts to eliminating the hated enemy. At the Troppau Congress, Metternich had the opportunity to make sure that Nesselrode could not push Kapodistria into the background. The insignificance and colorlessness of Nesselrode extremely upset Metternich: “What a pity that Nesselrode is so obscure! I don’t understand how a person can destroy himself to such an extent that he puts on someone else’s hope and hides behind someone else’s mask, instead of preserving his own expression!

Meanwhile, the underground work undertaken by Metternich against Kapodistrias was progressing quite successfully. In the spring of 1822, as a result of a cleverly directed diplomatic intrigue from Vienna, Kapodistrias finally resigned, and she was accepted by Alexander. Metternich triumphed.

With Kapodistrias, the last trace of the Orthodox-folk direction, independent in relation to the allies in the West, the consciousness of Russia's historical vocation in the East, disappeared from Russian diplomacy. Not a single Russian person remained in the positions of ambassadors at the courts of the great powers. All of them were presented exclusively to the Germans, who flooded both the foreign affairs college and the offices of embassies and missions. Talented young diplomats of Russian origin, one by one, were removed from the department, in which foreigners were given clear preference over them. So D. N. Bludov, Count V. N. Panin left the diplomatic service, and if any of the Russians remained in it, then, like A. M. Gorchakov, he was doomed to occupy secondary positions for many years. It is characteristic that A. S. Pushkin, patronized by Kapodistrias, whose sins were treated with paternal indulgence by his caring boss, was expelled “for debauchery” from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the very first year of Count Nesselrode’s sole control over him” (29).

V. N. Ponomarev wrote in his article “The end of a long career. K. V. Nesselrode and the Peace of Paris”, published in the collection “Russian Diplomacy in Portraits”, published in Moscow in 1992:

"TO. W. Nesselrode (1780–1862) was born in Lisbon, where his father, Wilhelm Nesselrode, a German in the Russian service, served as Russian envoy. Karl received his education in Germany, where he graduated from high school. At the age of twenty, after unsuccessful attempts to start a career in the navy or army, Nesselrode moved to the diplomatic field. First decade XIX century, he served in the Russian missions in Berlin, The Hague, at the embassy in Paris. By this time, he met Prince K. Metternich. This Austrian diplomat and statesman had big influence on the formation of Nesselrode's political views. The latter considered him a model of a statesman and politician.

Period Patriotic War 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian army proved to be very important for Nesselrode's career. Back in 1811, he was appointed secretary of state, that is, a special confidant under the emperor, who performed secretarial duties, then he performed individual assignments while in the army, and in 1813–1814 he was almost inseparably under Emperor Alexander I, in charge of the political correspondence of the marching office. At the Vienna Congress of 1814-1815, he was one of the representatives of Russia.

In 1816, the tsar received for him, along with I. A. Kapodistria, the administration of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Nesselrode was then in charge of relations with the Western powers, and Kapodistrias was in charge of Eastern affairs. The general administration was entrusted to Nesselrode, who was the first secretary of state. Later, when liberalism in the policy of Alexander I was over, the management of the ministry began to be carried out solely by K. V. Nesselrode (since 1822). In 1828 he was given the title of Vice-Chancellor, and in 1845 he reached the highest rank (according to the "Table of Ranks") - he became the State Chancellor of the Russian Empire. Submission and obedience to the “highest will” is precisely what most historians explain the phenomenon of Nesselrode’s long service” (6).

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was born in 1798 and came from a noble family, descended from the Ruriks, but not rich. He graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, was a friend of Pushkin, earned the most brilliant reviews from his teachers: "One of those few pupils who combine all the abilities to the highest degree ...

Gorchakov's career in these years was very successful. In 1822 he became the first secretary of the embassy in London, where he stayed for five years. Then he was in the same position in Rome, in 1828 he was transferred as an embassy adviser to Berlin, from there to Florence as a charge d'affaires, in 1833 he was in Vienna. The largest cities in Europe, the capitals of powerful states, complex diplomatic assignments - all this was a good school for a person who decided to devote his life to foreign policy. But relations with the most influential Nesselrode did not work out for Gorchakov. He resigned and was out of work for some time. In 1841, Alexander Mikhailovich returned to the service and was sent to Stuttgart to arrange the marriage of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna with crown prince Württemberg. There he remained in the rank of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary for twelve years, maintaining the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and closely following the growth of the revolutionary movement in Europe. The revolutions of 1848-1849 that swept across the continent. extremely alarmed Gorchakov. In his reports on rallies and demonstrations in Europe, he persistently advised the emperor to protect Russia from explosions and upheavals, similar to those he observed here.
In 1850 Gorchakov became an extraordinary envoy to the German Confederation with its capital in Frankfurt am Main. In this alliance, the Russian government saw a guarantee of peace, and Gorchakov was called upon to restrain the efforts of Austria and Prussia - two rival powers, to act as a unifier of Germany. At the same time, Alexander Mikhailovich became close friends with the Prussian representative Bismarck. Gorchakov did not hide that he was an ardent admirer of this great man. Before his eyes, with the benevolent non-intervention of Russia, Bismarck achieved amazing achievements: he defeated Denmark one by one, then Austria, then crushed France and created a powerful German empire.
The same goal - only the creation great Russia- was devoted to the activities of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. That is why he always swept aside all revolutions aimed primarily at destruction, and not at creation. Back in 1825, when he came to Russia for treatment, they tried to drag him into secret society Decembrists. The well-meaning Gorchakov answered his friends at the lyceum that just goals are never achieved by insidious and secret intrigues and that it is not befitting for a lyceum founded by Emperor Alexander Pavlovich to go against the royal person.
“Gorchakov had a mind, lofty, big, subtle, and his ability to use diplomatic tricks did not exclude loyalty. He liked to play with the enemy, confuse him, take him by surprise, but he never allowed himself to treat him rudely or deceive him. I had to resort to tricks, since his plan was always clear and devoid of mysteries. With very few of the diplomats it was so easy and reliable. "
Émile Olivier, French political activist

The following year, Gorchakov was transferred to the embassy manager in Vienna instead of Baron Meyendorff, who carried out more orders from the Austrian emperor than from the Russian.
At this time, the Crimean War began. Austria behaved extremely ungratefully towards Russia, and Gorchakov had to solve complex diplomatic problems. He always opposed the war with Turkey, and now England and France have come out on her side. Austria also helped the powers of the anti-Russian bloc, although it maintained a visible neutrality. But Gorchakov managed in his post to alienate Austria from the warring Western European powers. He took the same steps with respect to Prussia. And then followed the death of Emperor Nicholas I.

From 1854 to 1855 the international Conference belligerent powers, to which Austria joined. Russia was represented by Prince Gorchakov, trying with all his might to soften the harsh demands of the former allies, and now opponents in the Crimean War. Diplomats worked out peace terms to be signed at the Paris Congress. To all claims insulting Russia, Prince Gorchakov replied: "First, take Sevastopol." But then the besieged city fell, and a few weeks later the Russian troops took Kare, which made it possible to satisfy pride and soften the terms of the negotiations. In addition, Gorchakov concluded a secret agreement with Count Morny, a confidant of Napoleon III, which would ease the position of Russian representatives at the Paris Congress in the future. On March 18, 1856, peace was signed.
The Treaty of Paris ended the era of Russia's active participation in Western European political affairs. Painful impressions Crimean War and the Vienna conferences left their stamp on all subsequent activities of Gorchakov as the main conductor foreign policy Russia. On April 15, 1856, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in place of Nesselrode. This was a recognition of his diplomatic merits, intelligence, and many years of experience. Under the new minister, there was a sharp turn, a change in foreign policy. Since then, all attention has been given to internal affairs, the government decided to expand its activities outside the empire only when it "is absolutely required by the positive benefits of Russia." Gorchakov's famous words: "Russia is concentrating..." What this meant, European politicians soon understood.
“They say that Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but concentrated ... She mentally concentrates not out of a feeling of hurt pride, but with an awareness of her strength and her true interests. However, she does not refuse to take care of her dignity, or rank, belonging to it among the great powers of Europe".
Chancellor A. M. Gorchakov.

Gorchakov set himself three practical goals: firstly, to observe great restraint in the early years, while internal transformations are taking place in the country (the abolition of serfdom was nearing); secondly, to repay Austria for her treacherous behavior in 1854-1856; and thirdly, to bring about the gradual destruction of the Treaty of Paris. The policy of abstention, which it was decided to follow, did not at all preclude Russian diplomacy from exploring the possibilities of new alliances, without, however, accepting any obligations in relation to anyone, based only on its own national interests.

During these years, Gorchakov was the first in his dispatches to use the expression "Sovereign and Russia", instead of the usual - "emperor". Count Nesselrode, who for forty years ruled the diplomatic department in the state, reproached him for this: "We know only one tsar, we do not care about Russia." Undoubtedly, Alexander II made the right and very successful choice by appointing Gorchakov, a patriot, a diplomat with the posture of a Russian nobleman of the past, and, moreover, a liberal-minded one, as his minister. He completely trusted him in pursuing a new foreign policy, since he himself sometimes public speaking made embarrassing mistakes. Alexander II sometimes showed the capricious features of his grandfather. Once, in the papers given to him by Gorchakov, he did not like the word "progress" - perhaps it was unfamiliar to him. Emphasizing this word, he wrote: "What progress! Please do not use this word in official papers."
Gorchakov was also appreciated by foreign diplomats and politicians. The attorney of Sardinia in St. Petersburg said this about him: "The prince is one of the most prominent statesmen, this is a purely Russian and liberal minister - of course, to the extent possible in his country ... He is a very smart and pleasant person, but very irritable." Another assessment was made by the French politician Emile Olivier: “Always ready for confrontations, congresses, where they speak or write, he was less ready for a quick, daring, risky action that could lead to a fight. The courageous risk of heroic enterprises frightened him, and although he had enough dignity, the first movement was to evade them, hiding behind condescension, and if necessary, timidity.
Alexander Mikhailovich significantly updated the composition of his ministry, replaced the numerous foreigners whom Nesselrode brought with him with Russian diplomats. He wanted to revive the historical traditions of his country, following Peter's foreign policy plans. One of Gorchakov's goals was fulfilled very soon, in 1859, when Russia sided with France in her conflict with Austria. For their treacherous behavior, the Austrians were punished by the hands of the French. Achievement of other set goals had to wait for many years ...

Relations with Poland, which was part of the Russian Empire, were difficult. In 1861 an uprising broke out there. The Western powers turned to St. Petersburg with a proposal to convene a conference on this issue. Gorchakov firmly stated that this was Russia's internal affair. He ordered all Russian ambassadors abroad to stop negotiations with European states on the Polish question. Since that time, there have been regular disagreements with France, but there has been a rapprochement with Prussia, which supported Russia. In 1862 Bismarck, Gorchakov's Prussian colleague, headed the government there, and since then the policies of both states have followed a parallel course. In 1864, the Polish uprising was crushed, and Prussia and Russia signed a military convention.
While complicated diplomatic games were being played in Europe, Gorchakov's attention turned to North America- to the problem of Russian colonies in Alaska, the Aleutian Islands and the west coast, which were mastered by domestic sailors back in the 18th century. In 1866, a meeting of the highest tsarist dignitaries was held, at which Gorchakov was also present. The initiator of the sale of Alaska was Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich. The Russian government was aware of the presence of gold placers in Alaska, but this was precisely what was fraught with the main danger. Gorchakov said: "After an army of people armed with shovels, an army of soldiers armed with rifles may come." Russia did not have Far East no significant army, no strong navy, and given the difficult financial situation of the country, it was simply impossible to save the American colonies. The agreement on the sale of Alaska for 1 million 200 thousand dollars was signed in Washington and St. Petersburg.
Meanwhile, a war was brewing in Europe - between France and Prussia. Gorchakov tried to extract the maximum benefit from it for Russia. First of all, this concerned the terms of the Paris Treaty of 1856 - those of its articles where the empire was forbidden to keep a fleet on the Black Sea. In 1868, between Gorchakov and the Prussian envoy, General Manteuffel, agreements were concluded that had the force of a treaty. Russia pledged to remain neutral during the unification of Germany, Prussia - to support Russia's demands for the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty. The Franco-Prussian War began in 1870, Bismarck's successes were obvious. At this time, without waiting for the end of the war, Gorchakov invited Alexander II to come forward with the fair demands of Russia. It was, in his opinion, the most opportune moment. And he turned out to be right. He noted: “While the war lasted, we could more confidently count on the goodwill of Prussia and on the restraint of the powers that signed the treaty of 1856. Everything was calculated correctly: France was defeated, Prussia promised support, Austria would not dare to oppose Russia for fear be attacked by the same Bismarck."
Through his ambassadors abroad, Gorchakov sent a circular dispatch to the governments of all states. It stated that Russia could no longer consider itself bound by that part of the Paris Treaty, which limits its rights in the Black Sea. This circular produced the effect of an exploding bomb in Europe. However, there was nothing to be done.
England and Austria limited themselves to verbal protests, while France had no time for that at all. It was important for her to survive herself. In 1871, a conference of European powers met in London, at which the just demands of Russia were fixed. Gorchakov experienced a real triumph in those days. Another of his goals in foreign policy was achieved. Subsequently, he considered this victory the main success of all his diplomatic activities. As a reward, Alexander II granted him the title of "lordship", which could only be worn by persons of the royal family.

In 1873, the tripartite convention of Russia - Germany - Austria was signed. These countries became known as the "Union of the Three Emperors". Gorchakov believed that this alliance would help solve the Balkan problem. He urged the European powers to support his autonomy plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the growing conflict in the Balkans could not be resolved peacefully. The Turks in 1876 launched an offensive against Serbia, sweeping away everything in their path in their advance to Belgrade. Alexander II gathered his ministers in Livadia and posed the question: what to do with dying Serbia? Everyone just regretted it, and Prince Gorchakov stood up and said: "Our traditions do not allow us to be indifferent, there are national, internal feelings that are difficult to go against. Your Majesty! Now is not the time for words and regrets, the hour has come." At the same time, he submitted to the emperor a prepared telegram in which the Russian ambassador in Turkey was ordered to announce to the Sultan that he would immediately, at 24 hours, leave Constantinople if the Turks did not immediately stop and clear Serbia. "I agree with your proposal," Alexander II answered, closing the meeting.
However, Turkey was ready for war with Russia. Moreover, she yearned for it. Gorchakov in January 1877 secured the neutrality of Austria-Hungary (Budapest Convention), and in April of the same year, Alexander II began this war, which was fought under the flag of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish yoke. It contributed many glorious pages to the history of Russian weapons and ended with the complete success of Russia. Its influence in the Balkans increased. First, the Adrianople truce was concluded (January 19, 1878), where Gorchakov was extremely firm on the Bulgarian issue. He instructed his representative Ignatiev: "Be especially firm in everything that concerns Bulgaria."
Exactly one month later, the final treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, timed to coincide with the birthday of Alexander II. Bulgaria received wide autonomy with the inclusion of Macedonia; Serbia, Romania, Montenegro were recognized as independent; Russia returned South Bessarabia.
The results of this war and the Treaty of San Stefano aroused hostile objections not only from England, but also from Austria. Gorchakov proposed to arrange a congress in Berlin on this occasion, counting on Bismarck. The congress took place in July of that year, but Bismarck unexpectedly took a neutral stance. Gorchakov later said that there was "the evil will of almost all of Europe" against Russia. But he himself committed an incidental oversight on this forum. Alexander Mikhailovich by this time was already eighty years old. Obviously, due to his advanced age, Gorchakov absentmindedly handed the British delegate, Lord Beaconsfield, a geographical map for the Russian delegation. It marked the maximum concessions that Russia could make as a last resort. Beaconsfield, of course, took the opportunity to base the discussion on this map. Bismarck, in his notes, cruelly made fun of Gorchakov, claiming that it was he who defended the honor of Russia at that time. But Gorchakov himself later confessed to Alexander II: "The Berlin treatise is the blackest page in my official career."
After the Berlin Congress, Alexander Mikhailovich practically retired, although formally he was considered the State Chancellor of Russia for another three years. He was replaced as Minister of Foreign Affairs by Baron N.K. Gire, a middle-level diplomat who was many times inferior to such a titan of foreign policy as Prince Gorchakov. Alexander Mikhailovich died in 1883 in Baden-Baden and was buried in the family vault in St. Petersburg. In the history of Russian diplomacy, he was and remains one of the brightest and greatest figures.

February 27, 1883 (March 12 in 2018). - The diplomat Prince died. A.M. Gorchakov

Gorchakov and Russian policy in Europe

(4.6.1798–27.2.1883) - His Serene Highness Prince, Minister of Foreign Affairs and State Chancellor of Russia, descended from the family. Born June 4, 1798 in the family of a major general. He studied at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, was a classmate. In 1817 he entered the diplomatic service, took part in the work of congresses. In 1824 he was appointed first secretary at the Russian embassy in London, in 1827 he was transferred to the same position in Rome, then he served in embassies in Berlin, Florence and Vienna. All this allowed him to study well all the backstage springs of international politics in Europe.

Especially his fate turned out to be connected with Germany, which at that time consisted of many small monarchies. In 1841 he was sent to Stuttgart to arrange the marriage of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna with the Crown Prince of Württemberg, and after the marriage he remained an extraordinary envoy there for twelve years. From the end of 1850, he also served as envoy extraordinary to the German Confederation in Frankfurt am Main (until 1854); made efforts to strengthen Russian influence in the German states connected with Russia by dynastic ties; during this period, he became close to O. Bismarck, the Prussian representative to the German Confederation, which later played an important role for both countries. In 1854, at the Vienna Conference, Gorchakov succeeded in preventing Austria from entering the war on the side of Russia's opponents.

After Russia's defeat in the humiliating March of 1856, the era of Russia's active participation in Western European political affairs ended. It was at this moment in April 1856 that Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, replacing K. Nesselrode, who had ruled there for 40 years. He had a reputation as a person who cared little about the interests of Russia, did not hide his pro-Austrian sympathies. In his time, many foreigners worked in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who also had little interest in the fate of Russia. Nesselrode valued the consent of the monarchs of Europe above all, when the interests individual country subject to common tasks.

Gorchakov not only succeeded him, but decisively changed this "internationalist" policy to a distinctly Russian one throughout his 25-year leadership of the Foreign Ministry. In the famous circular Russian ambassadors in European capitals on August 21, 1856, Gorchakov formulated the basic principle of the new political course for the first time as "Russia is concentrating." This meant that she was only temporarily abandoning her former active role and traditional politics, recovering from the losses she had suffered. At the same time, A. M. Gorchakov declared that Russia would no longer sacrifice its interests for the sake of selfish goals alien to it. Gorchakov intended to strengthen the Christian legal foundations international relations: "Less than ever at the present time in Europe it is permissible to forget that the rulers are equal among themselves and that not the size of the territories, but the sanctity of the rights of each of them lies at the basis of the relationships that may exist between them."

The main task of Russia's foreign policy at that time was the struggle for the revision and abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Peace Treaty, which consolidated the results of the Crimean War, which was unsuccessful for Russia (neutralization of the Black Sea and the prohibition of Russia to keep the Black Sea Navy). Gorchakov managed to achieve this by playing on the contradictions of the European powers.

After Napoleon III's attempt to use it to the detriment of Russia's interests, Gorchakov began rapprochement with Prussia, whose government was headed by Bismarck and relations with which became the most friendly in the entire Russian-German history. Prussia supported Russia in the fight against the Polish uprising. In exchange for a Russian promise not to interfere with the unification of Germany under Prussian rule (otherwise this would not have happened), Bismarck undertook to assist in the revision of the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty. The defeat of France by Prussia with the diplomatic assistance of Russia allowed Bismarck to proclaim on January 18, 1871 a united German Empire(led by the Prussian Kaiser Wilhelm I), and Gorchakov to announce the abandonment of the restrictions of the Paris Treaty (Russia's rights in the Black Sea were restored at the London Conference). The highest stage in the political rapprochement between Russia and Germany and Austria-Hungary was (1873), and if it had turned out to be lasting, the Jewish bankers would not have been able to provoke. But united Germany decided that it no longer needed Russia.

Another important direction of Gorchakov's policy was the defense of Christian peoples from the Turks in the Balkans. Gorchakov managed to ensure the neutrality of the European powers during the successes of the Russian troops led to the conclusion. However, at the Berlin Congress (June-July 1878), despite the victory of Russian arms and the independence of the Balkan states from Turkey, he had to make serious concessions in the face of the united front of the Western powers, including already unfriendly Germany, in particular, to agree to the occupation of Austria -Hungary Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Diplomatic successes and the growth of the international prestige of Russia strengthened the position of A.M. Gorchakov in the ruling circles of the Empire. In 1862 he became a member of the State Council and Vice-Chancellor, in 1867 - Chancellor. wrote about Gorchakov: “Standing on guard of Russian honor and Russian interests ... you not only managed to restore the proper importance of Russia among the great European Powers, but also achieved, without sacrifice and bloodshed, the abolition of the consequences of the difficult Crimean War, which were embarrassing for us.” The emperor noted "the patriotism of a loyal and devoted to the true interests of Russia employee", who "with complete triumph brought our dear fatherland out of the difficulties generated by the claims of foreign cabinets to interfere in our internal affairs." The monarch especially noted the active participation that Gorchakov took "in the great cause of the revival of the Christian peoples on the Balkan Peninsula."

Since 1879, Gorchakov retired due to illness, and in 1882 he retired. During his service, he was awarded all the highest Russian orders and many foreign awards, and was also awarded the title of Most Serene Prince (1871). Died February 27, 1883 in Baden-Baden, buried in St. Petersburg. He left a memory of himself as an outstanding diplomat, who not only managed to lead the state out of a difficult foreign policy situation, but also laid the foundations of Russian national foreign policy.

The future sixth foreign minister of the Russian Empire and its last chancellor was the offspring of an old princely family. Upon leaving the walls of the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, Gorchakov from an early age developed in himself those qualities that allowed him to soon prove himself a significant diplomat: readiness for concessions, a sense of tact, insight and foresight, defending the interests of the power that you represent. He was witty and resourceful, shone in the world, knew how to please women and win over men.

KV Nesselrode, a foreigner in the Russian service, remained the permanent minister of foreign affairs. He never loved Russia, never learned its language properly, she did not become his second homeland, he spoke coldly and disgustedly about her. The people paid him in the same coin, remaking the surname Nesselrode, which is difficult for the Russian ear, into “kissel like”. Under Nesselrod, Gorchakov acted as an adviser to various embassies - first in Berlin, then in Vienna. He spent 12 years in the diplomatic service in Germany.

During the Crimean War, Gorchakov was in Vienna. It took a lot of effort from him to ensure that Austria took a neutral position in the war, and this was only partially successful. After the resignation of Nesselrode, the death of Nicholas I and the accession of Gorchakov, he took the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. He directed his efforts to disavow, soften the bitterness of defeat in the Crimean campaign. His phrase that it is too early to strike Russia out of the ranks of the world's leading powers, that it is "concentrating", has become winged in diplomatic circles.

Thanks to Gorchakov, Russia entered into an alliance with Germany, where Otto von Bismarck came to power. The latter had the closest friendly relations with Gorchakov. In alliance with Prussia, Russia opposed France and Napoleon III. In fact, Germany became the most powerful power with the support of Gorchakov. He tried to adhere to friendship with Prussia very consistently, without stepping back from her. Gorchakov ensured that Russia again received access to the Black Sea and the right to keep its navy there.

Gradually, Gorchakov's relationship with Bismarck came to naught: he, having felt the strength, no longer needed anyone's advice and, moreover, guardianship. Following the results of the Russian-Turkish war, the Berlin Congress took place - the last major event in which Gorchakov took part. Formally, he remained in office until his death in 1882, which occurred in Baden-Baden, Germany.

Alexander Gorchakov - friend of Pushkin

The Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum was founded by Emperor Alexander I as educational institution closed type for children of famous noble families. According to the original plan, even the younger brothers of the tsar himself, Nikolai and Konstantin, were to study there, but for some reason these plans were frustrated. The first graduation of lyceum students turned out to be extremely rich in talented people - poets A.A. Delvig and V.K. Kyuchelbeker, navigator F.F. Matyushkin, diplomat A.M. Gorchakov, Decembrist I.I. Pushchin.

Gorchakov, to tell the truth, did not belong to Pushkin's close friends. However, in the poet's manuscripts there are images of a lyceum comrade, and in verses he calls him "lucky from the first days." Perhaps not without envy - after all, Pushkin himself was considered a rather mediocre student. History judged in its own way: Pushkin's biographers are interested in Gorchakov not so much as a skilled diplomat as Pushkin's classmate.

After the Lyceum, they saw each other infrequently, and did not always coincide at the regular Lyceum anniversaries on October 19th. In one of the poems dedicated to this anniversary of 1825, he asked himself:

“Which of us, in old age, is the day of the Lyceum

Will you have to celebrate alone?

This “last of the Mohicans” was A.M. Gorchakov, who outlived all his classmates and lived to see the solemn occasion when the first monument in Russia was opened to his famous namesake in 1880 on Tverskoy Boulevard in Moscow.

• Having married at the age of 40, Gorchakov decided to adopt four stepsons and a stepdaughter. In marriage, he had two sons who followed in his footsteps, becoming diplomats.
• Pushkinists were in for a sensation when the previously unknown early Pushkin poem "The Monk" was discovered in Gorchakov's papers.

Gorchakov Alexander Mikhailovich (1798-1883), Russian statesman, diplomat, chancellor (1867).

Born July 4, 1798 in Haapsalu in an old noble family. After graduating from the gymnasium, he entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum in 1811 (a classmate of A. S. Pushkin, A. A. Delvig, etc.), from which he graduated in 1817 with a gold medal, and was appointed to serve in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The first diplomatic steps were taken by Gorchakov as secretary of the embassy in London (1824), chargé d'affaires in Florence (1829), adviser to the embassy in Vienna (1832).

Gorchakov developed hostile relations with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, K. V. Nesselrode, who deliberately hampered his promotion. In 1838 Gorchakov resigned and only in 1841 returned to diplomatic activity as an envoy in Stuttgart.

Since 1850, he was a representative to the German Confederation, where he sought to strengthen Russia's influence on the affairs of minor German states.

In 1854 Gorchakov was appointed envoy to Vienna. After the Congress of Paris (1856), which summed up the results of the Crimean War, he became Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Gorchakov saw the main task of Russia's foreign policy in the abolition of the articles of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. He managed to drive a wedge into a single anti-Russian coalition of European powers and in 1870 he achieved the signing of a convention that allowed Russia to have a navy on the Black Sea and build naval bases.

In 1875, Gorchakov's diplomatic position saved France from new German aggression. During the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. Gorchakov took an indefinite position, as a result, at the Berlin Congress (1878), Russia lost the fruits of its own victory. This largely contributed to the fall in the popularity of the minister, in addition, for health reasons, he actually retired.

In 1882 Gorchakov received a formal resignation.